No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

Diss.--Bochum--Ruhr-Universität, 1997. / Bibliogr. p. 370-397. Index.

No description available.

Nicolas Poussin's two Self-Portraits, painted in 1649 and 1650, have been the subject of countless art-historical investigations, but remain only incompletely understood. This study attempts to draw the meanings of the self-images into clearer focus. To this end, the relationships between Poussin and the eventual recipients of the two portraits, Jean Pointel and Paul Freart, Sieur de Chantelou, are examined more probingly and are positioned centrally in the analysis of the works. A careful exploration of the web of associations among the three men reveals that Poussin's caution in dealing with Chantelou, his often jealous and emotional patron, was a factor of great consequence to the development of the Self-Portraits. Bearing this in mind, both Poussin's letters and the scholarly accounts which accept his written statements at face value, may be approached with a more critical eye. This practice, in turn, leads to a broadened range of possibilities for the interpretation of the two Self-Portraits, and to a greater appreciation of the extent to which Poussin's creations were affected by human dynamics.

No description available.

Examining a group of pictures painted in the early-to-mid 1630s, this dissertation sets out to demonstrate that Nicolas Poussin’s turn to the subject of dance helped him transform his style from the sensuous Venetian manner of his early years to the cool, crisp, relief-like approach that would characterize his mature work and form the basis for French Classicism in subsequent decades. Painting dancers allowed Poussin to work through the problem of arresting motion, to explore the affective potential of the body represented, and to discover a measured, geometric compositional method capable of containing and harnessing that potential. The resulting pictures, painted in Rome, were warmly received in Paris by a group of early collectors that included dancers, patrons, amateurs, and theorists of another modern French art: the ballet de cour. Ballet’s cultivation of a fiercely controlled physicality, its wild Dionysian characters and learned Apollonian conceits, above all, its insistence on a hidden geometric order underlying the chaos of embodied experience primed early French observers of Poussin’s dancing pictures to recognize something of themselves in his new approach. Though Poussin did not set out to define French Classicism, and though his brief service as premier peintre to Louis XIII demonstrates how ill-suited he was to the role of official artist, the fact that his dancing pictures shared so much—on the level of patronage, iconography, even, perhaps, theoretical underpinnings—with the ballet de cour may help explain why these works (and, indeed, Poussin himself) were so eagerly appropriated by France in the Classical Age.

Montrer le monde, est-ce montrer le "siècle", le temps, cet " incorporel " selon les stoïciens pour lesquels le terme est plutôt péjoratif, cette forme dégradée de l'éternité selon les platoniciens ? La présence du temps, linéaire, fleuve ou immobile, oblitère-t-elle intimement le paysage classique soit, selon Philippe Descola, " de Patinir à Lorrain " ? Une réflexion sur le temps n'y serait-elle pas tout aussi présente qu'une tentative, rarement revendiquée, de représentation de la " nature ", notion encore ambiguë sous la Renaissance (autant les choses elles-mêmes que leur essence, voir leur principe actif), " terme vague " plus tard encore pour l'Encyclopédie. Y a-t-il un paradoxe du paysage ? Ce genre pictural est apparu concomitamment à la fin des millénarismes et à la " sécularisation ", soit dans un contexte d'évolution radicale et complexe du rapport au temps qu'il soit symbolique, politique, historique, économique, technique ou autre, phénomène abondamment étudié par l'histoire, notamment culturelle, mais aussi l'économie, la sociologie, la théologie... Parallèlement aux deux autres grands genres, le portrait avec les âges de la vie et leur psychologie, ou la nature " morte " avec l'intention morale de ses " vanités ", il en méditerait la dimension métaphysique, l'indétermination de la notion de nature s'avérant sans doute faire système avec celle de la notion de temps. Dans cette thèse, la première à être consacrée en France à ce peintre, ces hypothèses sont abordées à partir de l'œuvre de l'anversois Joachim Patinir (~1484 - ~1524), créateur du paysage cosmique (" weltlandschaft "), premier peintre occidental reconnu comme " peintre de paysage " (Dürer : " Joachim Patinir, der gut landschaft malher "), même si, bien entendu, le paysage est depuis longtemps présent dans la peinture et l'ensemble des arts occidentaux, comme en Orient, mais non d'abord pour lui-même. A ce titre, entre autres éléments iconographiques spécifiques (dont une iconologie juive encore à approfondir) il est le peintre des grands " lointains ", terme que, ainsi que tant d'autres, le lexique de l'espace partage justement avec celui du temps. A l'autre extrêmité du cycle, sont également sollicités Poussin et Lorrain, pères du paysage héroïque ou, autre référence néoplatonicienne, " idéal ", et qui achèvent de donner à ce genre ses lettres de noblesse.

This thesis examines the history, political climate and evolution of l'Academie royale de Peinture et de Sculpture, Paris (1648) as well as Nicolas Poussin's aesthetic contribution to its classical syllabus, and his influence on Charles Le Brun's classicizing perceptions via-a-vis the Academy during his tenure as Protector, Chancellor (for life), and Director. Explored too is the confrontation between the ancient guild system (la Maitrise), and the emerging idea of the ennoblement of the arts. Poussin's Israelites Gathering the Manna and Rebecca and Eliezer, analysed during les Conferences of the Academy, along with certain of the paintings of Charles Le Brun are considered to the conclusion that, at the outset, there was considerable flexibility with regard to les regles.