So far as we know, there is no world recognized poverty measurement can adopt to each country. Even the definitions of poverty differentiate from time and places. In Taiwan, the measurement and definition of poverty is similar to France. Both of them adopt each person¡¦s consuming outcomes for the standard of measurement. America adopts quantitative index to calculate and measure their poverty. This measurement is according to different age, sex and family total numbers, and then refers to inflation ratio of each year. About the contents of anti-poverty policy, this study find out the way of dealing with poverty issues in American, French and Taiwan are the same. All of them cannot exclude from the influences of their own historic traditional concepts. That¡¦s why America and Taiwan adopt the Residual Model to relieve the poor. After experienced the painful lessons of two world wars that brought mass poor population, France set up a popular and completed institutional re-distributive model. His or her anti-poverty policy is full caring all different statuses person. In America and Taiwan, the relationships of political parties, anti-poverty policy and elections are hard to separated. But there's a different issue altogether in France, the sense of welfare implants in the mind of French, so that no matter left-wing government or right-wing government rules the country, they could not persuade people to give up the social welfare by the fact of financial deficits. In short, the purpose of this study is try to find out how the left-wing or right-wing government is the way to treatment in the poverty issues. I chose the 1980s of American and France for the beginning -- In America, the neoliberalism economics, the right-wing government, was popular during the 1980s, and France, the only one left-wing government in western democratic countries. These two governments have been to resist poor problems over 20 years for my reference. And then discuss about the results of dealing with poverty problems in Taiwan these 20 years. This study hope can use the poverty problems, for a primary realization of the social welfare policy.

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This research provides one account of the complex relationship between differentiated experiences of deprivation and the dominant poverty construct in the Jamaican context. It is based on research conducted over a period of nine months in a Jamaican 'squatter' community, Windsor, in the Parish of St. Ann. The study is organised into two 'positional' chapters (conceptual framework and methodology) and four direct 'response' chapters that demonstrate the ways in which the official poverty approach (from concept to policy) resonates with the living experiences of individuals. The 'response' chapters step back from debates on the measurement of poverty so as to critically and reflexively consider the construct's conceptual and definitional antinomies. This is done through: (i) an excavation of a partial social history of poverty discourses in Jamaica; (ii) an evaluation of problems with knowledge production in the participatory method; (iii) an examination of the implications of the abstraction of the poor from spatial relations; and (iv) an exploration of different ways in which individuals 'picture' living in their surroundings. The conclusion drawn is that it is necessary to begin engaging in a multidisciplinary project which accounts for difference within the poverty construct. This is because, insofar as it is possible, the removal of the most extreme forms of deprivation is not in itself sufficient for the eradication of the social relations that give rise to these privative 'conditions'. There instead needs to be critical engagement with relations of deprivation as resident in the social body as a whole in conceptualising poverty.

The research study used the state and society approach to discuss the varying roles of the Chinese government and other social sectors, including international non-governmental organizations in China's anti-poverty campaign. China has thus far achieved remarkable progress in its poverty alleviation initiatives since 1978. The Chinese government started the rural structural revolution from 1978 to 1985 and subsequently, undertook massive development-oriented programs that were poverty focused from 1986 to 1993. In 1994, the Chinese Government formulated the Seven-Year Priority Poverty Alleviation Program (1994-2000) and it also launched the Development-Oriented Poverty Reduction Program (2001-2010) in 2001. In order to achieve its goals to reduce poverty, the Chinese government undertook: partnership with all social sectors; the strategy of self-reliance and reducing poverty through development; and the road of all-round development considered as the robust driving forces in China's poverty alleviation campaign. The main thrust of China¡¦s anti-poverty policy is to strengthen the capacity of the targeted population to fight poverty and attain prosperity. In conclusion, while poverty reduction essentially depends on the efforts of the governments in China, the strong support and partnership of the non-governmental organizations and other social sectors are also a necessity that will spell out the difference in the success of the program.

This research provides one account of the complex relationship between differentiated experiences of deprivation and the dominant poverty construct in the Jamaican context. It is based on research conducted over a period of nine months in a Jamaican ¿squatter¿ community, Windsor, in the Parish of St. Ann. The study is organised into two ¿positional¿ chapters (conceptual framework and methodology) and four direct ¿response¿ chapters that demonstrate the ways in which the official poverty approach (from concept to policy) resonates with the living experiences of individuals. The ¿response¿ chapters step back from debates on the measurement of poverty so as to critically and reflexively consider the construct¿s conceptual and definitional antinomies. This is done through: (i) an excavation of a partial social history of poverty discourses in Jamaica; (ii) an evaluation of problems with knowledge production in the participatory method; (iii) an examination of the implications of the abstraction of the poor from spatial relations; and (iv) an exploration of different ways in which individuals ¿picture¿ living in their surroundings. The conclusion drawn is that it is necessary to begin engaging in a multidisciplinary project which accounts for difference within the poverty construct. This is because, insofar as it is possible, the removal of the most extreme forms of deprivation is not in itself sufficient for the eradication of the social relations that give rise to these privative ¿conditions¿. There instead needs to be critical engagement with relations of deprivation as resident in the social body as a whole in conceptualising poverty.

Thesis advisor: Marc K. Landy / In August of 1996, President Bill Clinton signed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act and fulfilled his campaign promise to “end welfare as we know it.” Conventionally, the passage of welfare reform has been understood as a product of the ‘Republican Revolution,’ a backlash against government in which the party “took back” both chambers of Congress and discharged the ten provisions of the ‘Contract with America.’ This account treats welfare reform as a deeply political affair: President Clinton was thus put into the position of needing to pass conservative welfare reform. While this theory is not inaccurate, this senior honors thesis holds that it is incomplete. Therefore, any account of the passage of welfare reform needs to engage with the more complex dimensions of policy formation. I suggest that the PRWORA was signed into law by virtue of public opinion aligning with elite opinion. The latter required ‘dissensus politics’ to be overcome. I argue that this transpired, and further that a loose consensus was formed among the elites with respect to the contents of meaningful reform due to social science evidence emanating from the various states. Lastly, I contend that the ancillary features of the legislation were negotiated, for which the nation’s governors played an instrumental role. These matters reveal timeless truths about American politics and policy formation. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2017. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Political Science. / Thesis advisor:

My thesis explores the conceptual underpinnings of the acclaimed Mexican conditional cash transfer (CCT) program Oportunidades as a way of engaging broader debates about how anti-poverty policy is evolving in the wake of the World Bank’s mid-1990s legitimacy crisis. I am interested in the behaviours and attitudes—or “subjectivities”—that Oportunidades attempts to cultivate amongst participants. Whereas the majority of CCT studies tend to focus on measuring the extent to which the programs “mold” beneficiaries into the categories of being prescribed by the program, my thesis is concerned with specifying and critically examining these categories. I use a hybrid neo-Gramscian, governmentality and critical feminist theoretical framework to probe how Oportunidades beneficiaries are constructed within World Bank and Mexican government discourse, as well as in external program evaluations. I argue that Oportunidades is underpinned by an agent-centred conception of poverty and that the program promotes a kind of gendered market-conducive subjectivity amongst beneficiaries. I conclude by exploring some of the implications of the CCT model. Ma thèse explore les fondements conceptuels du Oportunidades, un programme de transferts conditionnels de fonds (TMC) Mexicain acclamé. J’utilise les TMC comme une ouverture pour élargir le débat sur la manière dont la politique anti-pauvreté évolue dans le sillage de la crise de légitimité à laquelle la Banque Mondiale a fait face dans le milieu des années 1990. Je m'intéresse aux types de comportements et d'attitudes—ou «subjectivités»—que Oportunidades essaye de cultiver chez les participants. Alors que la majorité des études sur les TMC focalisent sur l’évaluation des succès du programme à modeler les participants afin qu’ils entrent dans les catégories de personnes prescrites par le programme, mon but est la spécification et l'examen critique de ces catégories. J'utilise un cadre théorique hybride qui combine néo-gramsciennes, la gouvernementalité et des théories féministes critiques pour enquêter sur la façon dont les bénéficiaires du programme Oportunidades sont construits à l’intérieur du discours de la Banque Mondiale, du gouvernement mexicain, ainsi que dans les évaluations externes du programme. Je soutiens qu’il y a, dans le programme Oportunidades, une conception sous-entendu de la pauvreté centrée sur les comportements des individus et que le programme promeut une subjectivité sexuée des bénéficiaires qui facilite leur participation au marché. Je conclus en explorant quelques implications du modèle TMC.

My thesis explores the conceptual underpinnings of the acclaimed Mexican conditional cash transfer (CCT) program Oportunidades as a way of engaging broader debates about how anti-poverty policy is evolving in the wake of the World Bank’s mid-1990s legitimacy crisis. I am interested in the behaviours and attitudes—or “subjectivities”—that Oportunidades attempts to cultivate amongst participants. Whereas the majority of CCT studies tend to focus on measuring the extent to which the programs “mold” beneficiaries into the categories of being prescribed by the program, my thesis is concerned with specifying and critically examining these categories. I use a hybrid neo-Gramscian, governmentality and critical feminist theoretical framework to probe how Oportunidades beneficiaries are constructed within World Bank and Mexican government discourse, as well as in external program evaluations. I argue that Oportunidades is underpinned by an agent-centred conception of poverty and that the program promotes a kind of gendered market-conducive subjectivity amongst beneficiaries. I conclude by exploring some of the implications of the CCT model. Ma thèse explore les fondements conceptuels du Oportunidades, un programme de transferts conditionnels de fonds (TMC) Mexicain acclamé. J’utilise les TMC comme une ouverture pour élargir le débat sur la manière dont la politique anti-pauvreté évolue dans le sillage de la crise de légitimité à laquelle la Banque Mondiale a fait face dans le milieu des années 1990. Je m'intéresse aux types de comportements et d'attitudes—ou «subjectivités»—que Oportunidades essaye de cultiver chez les participants. Alors que la majorité des études sur les TMC focalisent sur l’évaluation des succès du programme à modeler les participants afin qu’ils entrent dans les catégories de personnes prescrites par le programme, mon but est la spécification et l'examen critique de ces catégories. J'utilise un cadre théorique hybride qui combine néo-gramsciennes, la gouvernementalité et des théories féministes critiques pour enquêter sur la façon dont les bénéficiaires du programme Oportunidades sont construits à l’intérieur du discours de la Banque Mondiale, du gouvernement mexicain, ainsi que dans les évaluations externes du programme. Je soutiens qu’il y a, dans le programme Oportunidades, une conception sous-entendu de la pauvreté centrée sur les comportements des individus et que le programme promeut une subjectivité sexuée des bénéficiaires qui facilite leur participation au marché. Je conclus en explorant quelques implications du modèle TMC.

The child tax credit (CTC) is the largest anti-child poverty policy in the United States, but it gives more benefits to upper-income households than it does to lower-income households. Meanwhile, traditional cash benefit welfare programs like Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) have shrunk over the past two decades. Why have American policymakers approached child poverty with indirect rather than direct spending solutions? This thesis argues that neoliberalism, defined as the reliance of policymakers on market means to achieve public goals, is to blame. Historical case comparisons between TANF and the CTC demonstrate that policymakers utilize neoliberal code words implicitly to divide target populations into deserving and undeserving groups. Additionally, an original survey experiment finds that political actors can increase public support for regressive economic agendas by incorporating indirect social spending into their legislation. Ultimately, neoliberal values challenge our conception of what constitutes good politics and good policy. It is clear that direct spending solutions to child poverty are present and available, but their attainability is falsely shrouded in clouds of skepticism from the neoliberal mindset.

<p>This master’s paper first presents some of the principal theories and concepts developed by the poverty researchers Rowntree, Titmuss, Townsend, Sen and Lister. These theoretical frameworks are then related to two documents from the EU and Sweden concerning combating poverty and social exclusion, bearing on the establishment of the ‘Year 2010 against Poverty’. Finally, I discuss the value in practice of these theories and policy documents, as regards reducing poverty in Europe.</p><p>It has become clear in this investigation that the theories and concepts from earlier research are still relevant to the formulation of contemporary policy programmes, and that earlier research helps us to avoid old traps in fighting poverty. Central terms, perspectives and theories in this thesis are ‘absolute’ and ‘relative’ poverty, inequality of social structures, human rights and wellbeing, the capability for overcoming poverty, the multidimensional nature of poverty, and the need for a future woman-friendly and cosmopolitan citizenship. The two policy documents contain different perspectives; such as rights, gender equality, integration and accessibility perspectives, together with the underlying empowerment perspective. In addition, the multidimensional nature of poverty is strongly emphasised. Policy documents have a limitation to their political and economic frames, and in order to avoid this, researchers should have a more active involvement in policy formulation, basically as in the case of official inquiries. Goal-oriented cooperation between policy, research and poor people themselves is crucial to achieving the reduction of poverty in Europe.</p>