Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio University, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1982. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 126-131).

Thesis (M. A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Title proper from title frame. Also available in printed format.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed May 25, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 417-456).

Thesis (M.A.)--York University, 2005. Graduate Programme in Social Anthropology. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 179-188). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url%5Fver=Z39.88-2004&res%5Fdat=xri:pqdiss &rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR11931

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005. / Title from title screen. Carrie Manning, committee chair; Allison Calhoun-Brown, Henry F. Carey, committee members. Description based on contents viewed June 25, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-78).

Orientador: Maria Filomena Gregori / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T04:46:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bonetti_AlinnedeLima_D.pdf: 1541068 bytes, checksum: a0d6489c469a680f67b44759677efccf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Através de uma pesquisa etnográfica realizada na cidade de Recife ¿ PE sobre a experiência militante de mulheres das camadas urbanas de baixa renda, ativistas das causas femininas, essa tese propõe um novo olhar sobre o ativismo feminino, em especial o de caráter popular, buscando novas possibilidades compreensivas para esse fenômeno dentre as quais destaca-se uma combinação peculiar entre gosto pela militância e expectativas de ascensão social. Em vista disso, o campo político parece se configurar, e ser encarado, como um espaço que apresenta potencial para a realização de projetos pessoais e a transformação das condições de vida, revelando uma pervasividade da política na vida cotidiana e a sua ingerência nas relações de sociabilidade e família das ativistas. Para tanto, faz-se necessário compreender a constituição do campo político feminista específico em que se insere. Caracterizado por um sistema de distribuição desigual de prestígio, esse campo pode ser compreendido pela justaposição de duas categorias cruciais: o ¿capital de articulação política¿ e a noção nativa ¿colocar a arapiraca na mesa¿, que conota os atributos de gênero da práxis política local. É no diálogo com os seus códigos e sentidos que novas possibilidades para o ativismo feminino popular surgem. A análise inspira-se na teoria antropológica feminista, priorizando os sentidos de gênero e poder constitutivos do universo investigado / Abstract: Through an ethnographic research carried out in Recife ¿ PE about urban and working class women¿s experience as activists of female quests, this thesis proposes a new view about the female activism, especially the popular-based one, looking for new comprehensive possibilities for this phenomenon, among these, a peculiar combination between the appreciation for activism and the expectation of social ascension. The political ground seems to configure itself in this light, and seems to be regarded as a space that presents a potential for achievement of personal projetcs and transformation of life conditions, revealing a pervasiveness of politics in daily life and its intrusion into activists¿ sociability and family relationships. This is why it is necessary to understand the constituition of the specific feminist political ground where this experienced is located. This ground is characterized by a system of unequal distribution of prestige and can be seen through the juxtaposition of two crucial categories: ¿the political articulation capital¿ and the folk notion ¿to put the a large phallus on the table¿, that connotes gender attributes of the local political praxis. New possibilities for the female popular activism appear in dialogue with its codes and meanings. This analysis inspires itself on feminist anthropological theory, considering the power and gender meanings that constitute the investigated universe / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

The ethnic and religious diversity of the population is often associated with worse state building outcomes, including lower levels of taxation. In this dissertation I investigate how diversity hinders state building and how it shapes the patterns of taxation. The dissertation is structured around two main questions. The first question is: What are the mechanisms through which diversity constrains state building? Building on the fact that periods of state building include increases in the amount of taxes levied on the populations follows the second question that concerns the distributional consequences of the increases in the amount of taxes: Which groups bear the increasing fiscal burdens of an expanding state during periods of state building? I argue that diversity impedes state building by increasing the costs of the state’s investment in fiscal capacity. This is because in more diverse places the different ethnic and religious identities of the population make them more illegible to the state’s agents, making it more difficult for the state to acquire knowledge about the population and its economic activities. This illegibility also increases the bargaining power of local intermediaries vis-à-vis the state, which makes investment in fiscal capacity even costlier as these groups often oppose state building. Because it is cheaper to invest in the fiscal capacity of less diverse places, I also argue that the tax burdens of the core/dominant groups in the society, even though they are in power, increase more than the tax burdens of the minorities during periods of state building. I test these arguments in the context of late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century Ottoman Empire. The main empirical evidence relies on statistical analyses of an original dataset based on my archival work in the Ottoman archives in Istanbul. In addition to this, I use other original and secondary datasets, as well as a close reading and qualitative analysis of correspondences among Ottoman bureaucrats in the Ottoman archives. Using the local-level fiscal revenue data, I demonstrate that the increases in fiscal revenues during wartime were lower in more diverse areas in the empire, indicating diversity hinders state building. Using another dataset on the local-level expenses of the state, I find that the state had to invest more in more diverse provinces to be able to extract a unit revenue. This suggests that the costs of investment in fiscal capacity were higher under diversity. In order to provide evidence for the mechanisms I suggest in the argument, I show that the Ottoman State was less successful in successfully completing censuses in more diverse areas, which is consistent with the argument that diverse populations are more illegible to the state. I also utilize a dataset on governor assignments to provide evidence that diversity constrained possible government assignments, potentially decreasing bureaucratic capacity. I complement these quantitative analyses with qualitative analyses of archival documents and evidence from secondary sources. With these findings, I make three main contributions to the literatures on state building, the politics of taxation, and identity politics. First, I demonstrate that diversity impedes state building, and it does so by rendering populations illegible and making investment in fiscal capacity more costly. Hence, I propose and test a new theory that explains why diversity constrains state building, by bringing together insights from the state building and identity politics literatures. Second, I show that because the members of the core/dominant groups are more legible to the state and investment in fiscal capacity is cheaper where they live, they undergo higher tax burdens of the state building processes compared to the minorities. This indicates a distributive outcome that goes contrary to conventional wisdom where the ruling identity group taxes itself rather than other groups. Finally, finding that war can result in stronger states only under sufficient homogeneity of the population, I underline ethnic and religious diversity as factors that might condition the relationship where war leads to stronger states. This offers one possible explanation why the argument in the wider literature that warfare leads to stronger states is often challenged outside Early Modern Europe, where the populations were less diverse.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 23, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 166-174).