The reason of discussing the influences of Law of the PRC on Employment Contracts is, pursuing the economical growth has been the main development policy from the beginning of the reforming and opening up of China. However, the derivative labour problems are getting worse. Although the PRC government passed the Labour Law of the People's Republic of China in 1995, the execution of the Law achieved little, resulting in more labour-management problems instead. For this purpose, the PRC government passed the Law of the People's Republic of China on Employment Contracts in 2007, expecting to eliminate the situation of long-term ignorance and violation of labour rights. The Law has great influences on employers in China such as decreased employing flexibility and increased operating costs. Therefore, this research intends to comprehend the influencing coverage of the Law of the PRC on Employment Contracts through investigating the Law¡¦s legislative background and its legal meaning, and adjusting future human resource systems and positioning human resource management strategies for the enterprises according to their influenced coverage. During the research process, I have consulted a large quantity of documents related to the Law and news regarding enterprises¡¦ reaction toward it. Through collecting, analyzing related documents, and interviewing cases, I found that the Law insists much on recording and reserving anything regarding labour rights in written form during the operating processes of enterprises. Besides, other influences toward enterprises including the changing of cost structures, especially the law violation costs. For example, enterprises do not have probation period, dismissing employees illegally, or the expending of economical compensation and so forth. In addition, I also found that the regulation of the open-ended employment contracts and granting the economical compensation influence enterprises fairly much. However, the two above regulations are complements of each other. The purpose of the legislation is to let enterprises and employees built long-term and stable labour-management relations. At last, I discovered that in the future, enterprises need to change the passed attitude of dealing with labour-management relations when facing the Law. They have to pay more attention on details when operating company, especially when dealing with affairs about labour rights. For example, they have to notice the details of the design of appraisal system, improving staff training, modifying the company¡¦s rules and regulations, and the new employee recruitment and so forth. To conclude, in the future, enterprises have to take a more reciprocal attitude when facing labours and managing labour relations.

[Abstract]: China’s enormous size and stature as a new hub of economic growth in tandem with its military modernisation make China a rising power. The strategic consequences of China’s economic growth synergised with its military muscles are multiple and profound, especially, for the neighbours in its conflict-prone periphery. The aim of this dissertation is not only to assess the importance and complexities of conflicts in the periphery of China, but also about the necessity for the neighbours to coexist with a more powerful China. At the same time, in the Chinese geopolitical context, domestic stability and hence, the CCP’s legitimacy has been perpetually paramount, and external threats or conflicts are usually perceived in the context of aggravating domestic and international stability, thereby hampering its strategic aim of achieving global economic command and power-projection military capability.With the dawn of 21st century, China is grooving to an exuberant global beat, the intensity of conflicts along China’s periphery has dimmed to such an extent that its political, economic, and social order will probably not disintegrate into chaos in the near future. Instead, China’s rapidly growing economic capacity and its soaring prestige in faraway capitals like Washington and Paris has meant an expansion of Chinese “soft power”, i.e., an assertive China with an ability to get what it wants by attracting and persuading others to adopt its goals, instead of blunt economic and military coercion. And, China could reasonably be expected to manage most, if not all, the conflicts in its periphery to its own advantage. These include: efforts to augment its military capabilities in a manner commensurate with its increased economic muscle and acquire new allies and underwrite the protection of others in its periphery. It is unlikely that the PRC will actually acquire new or reclaim old territory for China’s resources or for symbolic reasons by penalizing, if necessary, any opponents or bystanders who resist such claims. While it may wish to redress past wrongs it believes to have suffered; or attempt to rewrite the prevailing international “rules of game” to better reflect its own geostrategic interests; or in the most extreme policy choice, perhaps even ready itself for preventive war or to launch predatory attacks on its foes on the pretext of the “cult of defence,” – all of which have been seen as the bedrock of the contemporary China’s strategic culture, however, it is iiprobable that China will not pursue these at the cost of its future economic and/or social security agenda.

This thesis aims to examine the final years of missionary activity in China, with particular reference to the Baptist Missionary Society (BMS). It argues that, contrary to existing narratives, the Society was committed, from the beginning of its work in China, to placing responsibility for evangelism, church organisation and leadership in the hands of Chinese Christians, but that this plan was undone by events in China between 1937 and 1952. The missionary departure from the province of Shandong, planned to take place in 1942, was delayed when members of the Chinese church found themselves obliged to seek additional help from the BMS in order to cope with the destruction occasioned first by the War of Resistance against Japan, and later by the Civil War. The thesis explores the contrasting experience of work during this period in three different North China provinces, Shandong, Shanxi and Shaanxi. It examines the way the BMS dealt with the new developments, and the impact on individual missionaries and their families of working in this rapidly-changing environment. When Baptist missionaries eventually left, their departure was no longer in keeping with the systematic plan of withdrawal devised earlier, but was precipitated by political developments following the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Relationships with Chinese colleagues had to be abruptly terminated, and strident public criticisms were levied against missionaries and other foreigners. The shock of this unplanned and painful departure led missionaries and missionary societies to reflect critically on the whole past history of their work in China. This negative emphasis has got in the way of a more nuanced assessment of the missionary contribution during these years.

Fifty years after declaration of the People's Republic of China in October 1949 and thirty years after U.S. establishment of full diplomatic relations with PRC in January 1979 the question of Taiwan still remains one of the main and sometimes even very explosive topics in Sino-American relations. This fact proves how important the fate of Taiwan is for the USA as well as for the PRC. This paper compares American foreign policy toward China over Taiwan during Clinton administration (1993-2001) and Bush administration (2001-2009). Based upon analysis of historical development of American relations to China the cornerstone for the policy toward the PRC and Taiwan is presented. This cornerstone characterised by strategic ambiguity represents ground for the comparison of both presidents.

The thesis focuses on the oil security of China. The China became net oil importer in 1993 and so the focus of the thesis is on this date. The second chapter introduces whole energy situation of PRC and explains the importance of oil for China's economy. The third chapter identifies clue countries and regions for China's oil imports and their political stability. Using these information, the thesis measures the level of security of Chinese oil imports from the clue countries between the years 1996 and 2012.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since 1988, democracy in Taiwan has evolved and developed a great deal. Experts argue whether this growth constitutes "democratic consolidation" but there is no contention of the idea that the ROC is more democratic now versus pre-1988. In addition, public opinion polls show that the populace view themselves very differently in 2004 than they did in 1988 in terms of their national identity and their preferences for mainland relations. Finally, the democratic period in Taiwan witnessed greater hostility between the PRC and ROC than in the preceding thirty years combined. This heightened level of belligerence has subsided in recent years, but still remains a Sword of Damocles hanging over each step of Taiwan's democratic process. With these facts in mind, it is clear that the addition of ROC democratization has destabilized relations between the China and Taiwan. One should note that Taiwan's political liberalization has not damned cross-strait relations to a cataclysmic fate. As noted many times in this essay there are prospects for hope and increased cooperation. However, with the advent of democracy for the first time in an ethnically Chinese society, relations moved from a fairly stable equilibrium to a somewhat chaotic new reality resplendent with uncertainty and ripe for catastrophic miscalculation. / Captain, United States Air Force

This thesis is devoted to analyzing the impact of Chinese investments in the region of West Africa on relations between ECOWAS and European Union. The first chapter characterizes Community of West African States - geographically, demographically and especially in the area of macroeconomics. Following chapter focuses itself on relations of PRC and ECOWAS. Particular attention is paid to foreign direct investments, which is China realizing in the area. ECOWAS relations with the European Union and the changes that have occurred in recent years are described in the third chapter of the thesis. A separate section describes the Economic Partnership Agreements. The conclusion represents the analysis of changes in trade relations between ECOWAS and the EU.

As the People’s Republic of China begins to accumulate influence on the international stage through strategic usage of soft power, the history and application of soft power throughout the history of China will be important to future scholars of the politics of Beijing. This study will examine Beijing and its government official’s perceptions of its soft power and how there have been historical parallels between the modern People’s Republic of China and the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) in regard to soft power politics and China’s search for its legitimacy as a rising global power. This study will use two examples that have similar parallels: The eunuch admiral Zheng He (1371-1433) and his journey’s through the South China Sea, the Indian Ocean and the Middle East and the Confucius Institute, a teaching and cultural exchange program under the auspices of the Office of Chinese Language International, known colloquially as Hanban, an organization under the direct control of the Chinese Communist Party’s leadership. What connects these two topics is the subject of soft power, a term coined by Joseph S. Nye, relating to the kind of power wielded by countries that does not involve military force and uses a “Charm Strategy” to support favorable treatment amongst its trading partners. Zheng He sailed the oceans to neighboring countries, in an attempt to give legitimacy to Ming China through the imperial tribute trade system. The Confucius Institute continues that legacy today, teaching a view of China that is shaped in Beijing. I will show the parallels between this historical figure and that of the Confucius Institute, showing that the pursuit of soft power is not a recent phenomenon in Chinese politics but a theory and a motivation that has existed in China since medieval times in China’s endless search for legitimacy in the eyes of its neighbors. I will be researching the life and journeys of Zheng He, along with the controversies surrounding the Confucius Institute and how all of these factors relate to China attempting to re-instate a legacy that the nation has was lost over since the nineteenth century’s “Century of Humiliation”. This loss of prestige was a result of European colonial power’s ambitions in the area. I will also use evidence to prove the importance of Confucianism in regard to the development of soft power in China. As China seeks to find its legitimacy, we will see that this has been some centuries in the making and plays a crucial part of Chinese politics today. The re-assertion of China’s place in the world as a rising world power will have geopolitical implications for decades to come.

本論文係以體系改變的角度來分析、比較中共對朝鮮半島外交政策之昔與今，同時述及中共與東北亞有關列強之間的互動關係及其與朝鮮半島情勢變化之間的關聯，並將討論重點置於中共開始與南韓改善關係之一九八三年至中共與南韓建交之一九九二年之間。目的是在藉上述分析來解釋中共對朝鮮半島外交政策轉變的原因及其所作的調整，並指出中共與南北韓關係發展之現況，然後提出個人對於中共與南北韓關係之展望。本論文主要以豪斯提(K. J. Holsti)所提出的外交政策概念之四個構成要素為分析骨架：（一）外交政策取向；（二）國家角色；（三）目標；（四）行動。而這些要素的形成均可以一國所處之國際環境、決策者意識形態以及該國內部的結構需求來解釋。為界定研究範圍起見，本文所探討者限定中共、南北韓、日本所處的東北亞地區，不過，前蘇聯及美國在地緣政治上及影響力上均與此區域有密切關係，因此亦將彼等界定為東北亞國際體系之成員。然後以不同時代各成員國之國力及影響力之昇降及彼此之間的互動來分析東北亞國際體系之轉變。其次，在決策者意識形態方面著重於中共不同時代的領導階層意識形態主張及其對中共朝鮮半島外交政策所造成的影響。再者，中共內部結構需求係以經濟發展為主，本文亦由經濟結構之需求及經濟發展策略轉變等角度來分析對中共外交政策的影響。依據分析上述三個層次的因素所造成之影響，本文進而界定中共對朝鮮半島外交政策取向及於東北亞國際體系中所扮演的國家角色，並據以推論中共對朝鮮半島外交政策之目標，最後以其行動來檢視此一架構之適用性。筆者在第五章中嘗試分析中共對朝鮮半島外交政策轉變後對東北亞國際體系所造成之反饋作用，由於國際體系理論尚處於爭論階段且至今尚無一套具體可行之通則可供適用，本文或有許多疏漏之處，惟本文之撰寫目的並非在於嘗試創新理論，而是希望集各家之主張來找出最適用之研究途徑，進而作為預測未來中共對朝鮮半島外交政策趨勢之依據。