Chiu Yuen Ming Vivian. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 82-87). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 - --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Overview --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Significance --- p.7 / Chapter Chapter 2 - --- Literature review --- p.8 / Chapter 2.1 --- Definition of nation --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2 --- History of Chinese nationalism --- p.8 / Chapter 2.3 --- From state nationalism to popular nationalism --- p.16 / Chapter 2.4 --- Three levels of Chinese nationalism --- p.17 / Chapter 2.5 --- Media and nationalism --- p.17 / Chapter 2.5.1 --- Media in China- newspapers --- p.20 / Chapter Chapter 3 - --- Framing --- p.22 / Chapter 3.1 --- Overview --- p.22 / Chapter 3.2 --- Four different frames --- p.24 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- National self respect --- p.27 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- National self strengthening --- p.28 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Co-operation with Japan --- p.30 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- National humiliation --- p.31 / Chapter 3.3 --- Framing Sino-Japanese relationship --- p.33 / Chapter Chapter 4 - --- Methodology --- p.35 / Chapter 4.1 --- Theoretical concern --- p.35 / Chapter 4.2 --- Case study --- p.35 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- First case study: the Mukden incident --- p.36 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Second case study: Junichiro Koizumi's visit to Yasukuni Shrine --- p.37 / Chapter 4.3 --- Media text --- p.39 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- People's Daily --- p.40 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- Global Times --- p.42 / Chapter 4.3.4 --- Southern Metropolis News --- p.45 / Chapter 4.4 --- Data and sampling --- p.47 / Chapter 4.5 --- Content analysis --- p.49 / Chapter 4.6 --- Hypothesis --- p.50 / Chapter 4.7 --- Coding categories and schemes --- p.54 / Chapter 4.8 --- Coding training --- p.55 / Chapter Chapter 5 - --- Results --- p.57 / Chapter 5.1 --- Overview --- p.57 / Chapter 5.2 --- Quantitative results --- p.59 / Chapter Chapter 6 - --- Discussion --- p.67 / Chapter 6.1 --- Analysis --- p.67 / Chapter 6.1.1 --- National self respect --- p.68 / Chapter 6.1.2 --- National self strengthening --- p.70 / Chapter 6.1.3 --- Co-operation with Japan --- p.72 / Chapter 6.1.4 --- National humiliation --- p.74 / Chapter 6.2 --- Implications --- p.76 / Chapter 6.3 --- Limitations and further study --- p.78 / Chapter 6.4 --- Conclusion --- p.80 / Bibliography --- p.82

《北洋官报》于1902 年12 月创刊发行，至1912 年5 月随清王朝的覆灭而寿终正寝。纵观清末十年《北洋官报》的刊行，可见其应新政而生，又以报道和宣传新政为第一要务。本研究旨在透过《北洋官报》来看清末北洋新政。具体而言，首先要探讨的是作为新政喉舌的《北洋宮报》的创刊背景，即清末新政与北洋独特的政治文化;同时，也要梳理这份新式官报与晚清业已存在的报纸之间的文本联系。其次要具体探讨的是北洋官报局的局务，包括《官报》的发行、书籍为主的印刷业务的开展，以及"官纸印刷"的筹划与争论等。其三是《北洋官报》对新政的展示和宣传。其四是《北洋官报》在展示新政与启蒙民众过程中对日本的借鉴与推崇。通过以上四方面的研究，本论文主要探讨了《北洋官报》及官报局在北洋新政中的作用《官报》在展示新政、启蒙民智上所形成的官方新政话语和所体现的官方与非官方之间的互动关系，以及北洋与中央之间的复杂关系等。 / 就时间的划分而言， 1906 年之前，清末新政主要集中在经济、教育、军事等诸领域的改革， 1906 年之后转为以中央与地方推行的宪政改革为主要内容。依此，本论文讨论《北洋官报》对新政的展示和宣传就以1906 年为界，分为两个峙段:新政时期和宪政时代。前者侧重于《北洋官报》中的不同部分如何展示新政;后者侧重于从《官报》中看到的清末宪政推进情况。论文正文的末章则对宪政时代作详细论析。 / 综合言之， 《北洋官报》从其创刊之际，即与晚清的变局、北洋政治文化以及清末新政息息相关。《官报》为新政产物和应新政而生的同时，又以宣扬新政与开民智为己任，塑造了呈现于《官报》上的新政话语。作为官方报纸上的新政话语，并非纯然代表官方立场表达官方意志，而是既有官方的一面，又有非官方的一面，更有官方与非官方之间互动的一面。《官报》的语境既与一个多元与过渡的时代息息相关，同样，这个多元与过渡的时代也呈现在《宮报》的各种不同文本空间之中。体现在《北洋官报》中的北洋新政，在某种程度上也预示了北洋政治左右民初政局的现象，这是多元变化和过渡形态的一个方面。 / The Beiyang Gazette (Beiyang guanbao) published its first issue in December, 1902, and stopped publication in May, 1912, following the fall of the Qing Dynasty. From an overview of its ten-year publication and circulation, it is clear that the gazette was born to serve the late Qing reform, and publicizing and reporting on the reform became its top priority. This thesis aims at studying the reform through textual and contextual analyses of the Beiyang Gazette. In details, the author first investigates the background of the gazette as the mouthpiece of the reform, to understand the unique political culture of the reform under the Beiyang authorities in the late Qing. This study also traces the textual links between the new-style Beiyang Gazette and other contemporary newspapers. Second, the thesis examines the Bureau of the Beiyang Gazette in length. Details include the distribution of the gazette, the development of its book-based printing business, the controversy of "official paper" printing, and so forth. Third, the representation ofthe reform in the Beiyang Gazette is studied through textual analysis. Fourth, Japan as an enlightening model for the Chinese reform as portrayed in the Beiyang Gazette is discussed. In sum, the thesis examines the function of the Beiyang Gazette and its bureau in the Beiyang reform, the official discourse of the reformed in the gazette and its role in demonstrating the reform and enlightening the people, the interaction between the official and the unofficial realms, and the complicated relations between the Beiyang and the central governments, and other related topics. / It is found that the year 1906 was a watershed between two stages of the Beiyang reform. Before 1906, areas of the reform were mainly economy, education, military, etc. After 1906, the main concern was constitutional implementation by the central and local authorities. Chapter 6 of the thesis focuses on the second period and demonstrates in details the advancement of constitutional implementation. / In sum, the Beiyang Gazette was under the influence of the Beiyang political culture ever since it started publication. To serve the Beiyang authorities, the gazette took priority in publicizing the reform and enlightening the people. The reform discourse, as formed by the Beiyang Gazette, contained not only official, but also unofficial factors which interacted with each other. The context of the discourse had been closely related to the backdrop of an age of multiplicity and transition which was in turn represented in different textual spaces of the gazette. The Beiyang reform embodied in the Beiyang Gazette, to a certain extent, heralded the Beiyang politics that came to affect China for some time after 1911. This vicissitude can be seen as one dimension of the phenomenon of multiple changes in a transitional era. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 姜海龍. / Sumitted date: 2011年11月. / Sumitted date: 2011 nian11 yue. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 268-275) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Jiang Hailong. / Chapter 第一章 --- 绪论 --- p.1 / Chapter 一 --- 选题意义 --- p.1 / Chapter 二 --- 概念界说 --- p.4 / Chapter 三 --- 学术史回顾 --- p.6 / Chapter 一 --- 关于清末民初天津史的研究 --- p.6 / Chapter 二 --- 关于晚清报纸的研究 --- p.9 / Chapter 三 --- 清末《官报》的研究 --- p.15 / Chapter 四 --- 清末新政研究 --- p.16 / Chapter 四 --- 研究思路及史料支撑 --- p. 25 / 研究思路 --- p.25 / 论文所使用的史料 --- p.27 / Chapter 五 --- 研究方法与论文结构 --- p.28 / 研究方法 --- p.28 / 论文结构 --- p.28 / 论文大致内容 --- p.28 / Chapter 第二章 --- 语境与文本: 《北洋官报》之创刊 --- p.35 / Chapter 第一节 --- 历史语境:《新政上谕》与《江楚会奏变法三折》之间 --- p.35 / 《新政上谕》的解读 --- p.35 / 《江楚会奏变法三折》的出台 --- p.38 / Chapter 第二节 --- 内陆码头式的北洋政治文化 --- p.41 / 内陆码头"北洋"政治地理版图的生成 --- p.41 / 内陆码头与北洋政治文化 --- p.45 / Chapter 第三节 --- 两种文本: 《京报》与《申报》 --- p.52 / 《京报》 :前官报形态? --- p.53 / 从《申报》到《北洋官报》 :官方的模仿和对抗? --- p.58 / Chapter 第四节 --- 《北洋官报》的创刊 --- p.65 / 《北洋官报》创办 --- p.65 / 北洋官报局的章程 --- p.67 / 晚清新式官报的起点? --- p.69 / Chapter 本章结语 --- p.70 / Chapter 第三章 --- 新政展示(1902-1906): 从文牍到新闻 --- p.71 / Chapter 第一节 --- 皇权秩序的"象征性存在" --- p.71 / Chapter 第二节 --- 文牍中的新政展示 --- p.76 / 从章奏到官文牍 --- p.76 / 文牍与新政 --- p.78 / 文牍中的袁世凯 --- p.85 / Chapter 第三节 --- 新闻中的"新政纪事" --- p.90 / 新政报道:文牍的延续 --- p.90 / 新政报道:与私家之报的共识 --- p.93 / Chapter 本章结语 --- p.98 / Chapter 第四章 --- 局:官方与非官方之间 --- p.101 / Chapter 第一节 --- 官报局:清末新政中的"局" --- p.101 / 晚清以来的"局" --- p.101 / 天津的"局" --- p.103 / 北洋官报局 --- p.111 / Chapter 第二节 --- 《官报》发行 --- p.113 / 首创《官报》派销模式 --- p.114 / 第一份邮发报纸 --- p.119 / Chapter 第三节 --- 兼营印刷出版业 --- p. 122 / 官方印刷与出版机构 --- p.122 / 官方书籍出版 --- p.126 / 官方与非官方之间 --- p.129 / Chapter 第四节 --- "官纸印刷"的争论 --- p.134 / 官纸印刷会详 --- p.134 / 咨议局对"官纸印刷"的驳议 --- p.142 / Chapter 本章结语 --- p.149 / Chapter 第五章 --- 日本因素 --- p.151 / 以日为师 --- p.151 / Chapter 第一节 --- 在印刷领域的借鉴与效仿 --- p.154 / 对《日本官报》的借鉴 --- p.154 / 印刷问答:中日官报局长的"面对面" --- p.157 / Chapter 第二节 --- 《官报》中的《日俄战纪》 --- p. 167 / 从《普法战纪》到《日俄战纪》 --- p. 167 / 从西电到西报 --- p.171 / 从新闻到新知 --- p.176 / Chapter 第三节 --- 日本新知 --- p.180 / 《官报》中的新知略述 --- p.181 / 日本新知 --- p.184 / Chapter 本章结语 --- p. 195 / Chapter 第六章 --- 宪政时代 --- p.197 / Chapter 第一节 --- 广告中的宪政 --- p.198 / Chapter 第二节 --- 文牍中的宪政--宪政编查馆 --- p.203 / Chapter 第三节 --- 文牍中的宪政--直隶地方自治 --- p.212 / Chapter 第四节 --- 新政纪闻中的"议会纪事" --- p.220 / 以选举为中心的展示 --- p.221 / 以议案为中心的展示 --- p.225 / Chapter 第五节 --- 变化 --- p.229 / 官报的变化 --- p.230 / 从部、周到议董两会 --- p.232 / Chapter 本章结语 --- p.240 / Chapter 第七章 --- 结语 --- p.242 / 新政与新政话语 --- p.242 / 官方与非官方之间 --- p.244 / 北洋与中央 --- p.249 / 附录 --- p.255 / Chapter 附录一 --- 《北洋官报序三》、《北洋官报序四》 --- p.255 / Chapter 附录二 --- 《北洋官报》所载京师风景插图 --- p.257 / Chapter 附录三 --- 《北洋官报》不同时期所登载的商务印书馆广告 --- p.264 / 参考文献 --- p.268

Examines the issue of media bias in favor of the Democratic Party during the 2004 Presidential Election. To examine the most far reaching form of media in the United States, this study consisted of the three major television networks (ABC, CBS, NBC) and their weekday nightly newscasts during the entire month of October 2004. Emerging themes and strategies were compared to a study conducted at Sonoma State University of the year's most underreported yet newsworthy events. Results of the study indicate that no evidence exists to support the notion of media bias in favor of the Democratic Party in the media coverage leading up to the 2004 Presidential Election.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy: Management Sciences, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2015. / Nigeria’s vociferous media has the potential to be divided along ethnic and religious lines. Given that most Nigerians view political aspirants in terms of their ethnic and religious lineage rather than political ideology, and since most Nigerians rely on the media for information, there is the tendency to fall prey to biased and insensitive reportage, capable of inciting violence which is elicited by prejudiced information often presented as news, features, commentaries, documentaries, etc. This problem is the major motivation behind this research, which aims to build through training, the capacity of the media to report elections in a conflict-sensitive manner. This thesis develops, through the use of a participatory action research design, an alternative method of news reportage using the peace-journalism model. The model, developed by Jake Lynch and Annabel McGoldrick (2005), encourages journalists to report social issues in ways that create opportunities for a society to consider and value nonviolent responses toward conflict by using the insights from conflict analysis and transformation to update concepts of balance, fairness and accuracy in reporting. It also provides a new route map, which traces the connections between journalists, their sources, the stories they cover and the consequences of their reportage. In addition, it builds awareness of nonviolence and brings creativity into the practical job of everyday editing and reporting. This research holds theoretical significance in that it explicitly identifies conditions that encourage journalists to apply conflict-sensitivity to their reportage, thereby promoting societal peace, particularly during elections. The research findings herein offer a unifying multi-dimensional, conceptual framework which can be used to analyse and discuss the role journalists play in ensuring peaceful elections and demonstrates that they have a constructive part to play when covering sensitive social issues. A training manual has been developed from the findings of the study; it is intended to serve as a template and guide for journalists reporting on elections across the African continent.

Research report submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, University of the Witwatersrand, towards a 33% fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management (in the field of Security). 11 November 2016. / South Africa, like other liberal democracies worldwide, is characterised by constant tension between government and the media, particularly the press. At the centre of the tension is the need by government to maintain a certain level of state secrecy on the grounds of national security on the one hand, and the need for transparency and the right of access to information on the other. Both these rights are provided for in international and local statutory instruments. Press reports about an alleged secret procurement by South Africa’s Department of Defence of a spy satellite have also heightened the tension. The purpose of the research is to explore the nature of the tension through a case study focusing on some national newspapers. The study examines if the South African press, which, when it dispensed information to the public, published sensitive state information that detrimentally impacted national security. This research shows that in some instances local newspapers published classified and sensitive information relating to national security. Although a court of law is the proper organ to determine whether the press contravened the law by publishing sensitive security information, the disclosure arguably prejudiced the national security interests of South Africa. / MT2018

This thesis examines the role of the Chinese news media in the 1989 pro-democracy movement. The three functions of this thesis are: 1) to provide evidence of changes in the pro-democracy movement; 2) to identify corresponding changes in the press coverage of the movement; 3) to examine what relationship exists between changes in the movement and changes in the press coverage of the movement.

This study analyzed the coverage of Time, TT.S. News and World Report, and Newsweek's coverage of the 1992 presidential campaign. The four research questions posed concerned the newsmagazines' overall direction of coverage concerning the campaign; the individual and collective direction of newsmagazine coverage concerning the candidates and the election, the percentage of attribution given to the newsmagazines, or other sources; and the issues that were covered.The time period of this study spanned the traditional Labor Day kick off of the campaign to Election Day. A total of 29 lead presidential campaign stories were used for this investigation. The sentence was the unit of analysis; the method employed was a directional content analysis. A coder judged each sentence for source, subject, content, and evaluation. In addition, the coder evaluated each sentence as either positive, negative, or neutral.After the raw scores were converted into percentages, the researcher used a chi square to test the level of significance.Findings showed overall the newsmagazines were neutral in their coverage of the 1992 presidential campaign. Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News all contained more negative than positive sentences about the candidates, issues, campaigns, and party.In respect to candidate coverage, George Bush received more than 70% negative coverage in all three magazines. Bill Clinton received more negative coverage in U.S. News than positive or neutral. Time, printed more positive than negative sentences about Clinton, and Newsweek printed more neutral statements about Clinton than either U.S. News, orTime.Consistent with past research, the bulk of statements contained in the lead articles were judged to come from the writers. Finally, coverage during the 1992 campaign overwhelmingly centered around the "horserace" aspects of the campaign instead of the substantive issues. / Department of Journalism

This thesis examined all references to George Bush in Time, U.S. News and World Report and Newsweek in the time periods before and after the 1988 Republican National Convention in order to determine if there was a difference in how these newsmagazines portrayed Bush in these time periods. The hypothesis of this study: George Bush was portrayed more positively in the total coverage of these newsmagazines after the convention than he was portrayed prior to the convention.In order to determine this, a coder chose news stories from before and after the convention from the newsmagazines if they dealt primarily with the man George Bush or the campaign in general.All references to Bush were highlighted in the articles along with all statements made by Bush. Then, sources of these sentences with these references were determined and placed into one of three categories: newsmagazine, Bush or "Other." Coders were asked to evaluate the references to Bush as to whether the references placed Bush in a positive light, negative light or did not reflect him positively or negatively, neutral.The findings of this study show there was no apparent difference in the coverage of Bush between the time periods. The hypothesis was not supported. Additionally, the overall coverage of Bush was neutral and the newsmagazines were the source of the largest amount of references. / Department of Journalism

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