Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).

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This thesis considers the impact which the Protection of State Information Bill will have on media freedom in South Africa. During apartheid, draconian laws prevented the media from reporting freely, and newspapers as well as the broadcast media were heavily censored. When the country became a democracy in 1994, the political grip on the media faded, and a new era of press freedom began. However, the Protection of State Information Bill is seen as a direct threat to that freedom. The Bill, also known as the Secrecy Bill, will classify state-related information and censor the media who make public or are found to be in possession of, classified information. For journalists this means that the way in which they report and what they report will be severely restricted. The Bill will also impact on the willingness of whistleblowers to come to the fore. This study looks at the importance of a free press, at how the Secrecy Bill evolved, and how opposition parties and civil society set about opposing it. It will examine democracy and its relationship with a free press, and do a policy analysis of the Bill. It will also look at how civil society organisations came together to oppose the Bill, and some of the changes which came about as a result of this opposition.

The aim of this study is to present information to members of the South African press, academics in the field of journalism as well as individuals of the South African public who have a keen interest in printed communication in South Africa. The information presented discusses the practice of self-regulation in the South African press, through a study of the Press Council of South Africa (PCSA), the Press Ombudsman and the Press Appeals Panel that is a non-governmental organisation to regulate the press in South Africa. This study will include an analysis of the functions of the Press Ombudsman, the PCSA, the Press Appeals Panel, as well as the role of the constitution of the PSCA and the South African Press Code, which the PCSA uses as a guideline for publications that subscribe to it. Furthermore, a study into the complaints procedure and the determination of the outcome will be done in addition to the sanctions imposed on publications and journalists in breach of the Press Code as well as the acknowledgement given to individuals who have lodged a complaint to the Press Ombudsman, and the article or publication they have complained against had been in breach of the press code. In addition, this study will analyse the outcomes of selected complaints submitted to the PCSA as well as an analysis of submissions made to the PCSA task team and the Press Freedom Commission, an independent commission that was set up to research the regulations of the press. It was found that the PCSA strengthened the system of regulation with the help of the public. It is apparent that the organisation took into account many of the points raised in public submissions. Although the system is self-regulatory it is important to take note that it values and upholds the views of the public. Although though the sanctioning of wayward newspapers was not severe, it had become more defined in the amended code. A point of concern that did not improve over time is the time frame that the Press Ombudsman‟s Office took to resolve the disputes. The delays caused in some disputes were caused by loop holes in the press code and complaints procedure as well as defiant journalists. The PCSA is currently being restructured. As a society changes, the press industry needs to adapt to its needs. This means that the press code will have to constantly be developed to suit society‟s rapidly changing needs. The PCSA has attempted to meet those needs by constantly changing to ensure that the regulatory structure remains relevant.

Si les fonctionnements de l'écriture satirique ont été étudiés, la réflexion sur le positionnement par rapport aux autres médias et le rapport au référent, à l'information 'sérieuse' mérite encore d'être approfondie, notamment dans son 'institutionnalisation' revendiquée comme approche spécifique de l'information. d'autant plus que le système médiatique est en pleine transformation avec l'apparition de la concurrence sur internet : la problématique générale de l'identification, de la fiabilité des sources, est amplifiée par la rapidité de circulation et la diversité des flux.ce travail de 'médiation' assumé qui transforme l'information, les discours de l'autre, apparaît également comme un exercice fondamentalement ambigu : à la fois mise à distance ou détachement, mais qui peut aussi être perçu comme une forme d'engagement.il conviendra d'établir une forme de 'classification' des territoires de la satire et de la dérision avant d'arrêter le choix d'un corpus qui puisse rendre compte d'un certain nombre de procédés et de processus. quels sont les mécanismes de la 'montée en dérision' d'un certain nombre d'informations, de leur 'événementialisation' ? quelle y est la place de l'attaque ad hominem ? quel rapport au référent et quelle appropriation particulière du discours de l'autre ? quelle est la part de la circulation intermédiatique ?si le positionnement satirique instaure un pacte de lecture particulier avec le lecteur, qu'en percevons-nous clairement qui soit 'identifiable' ?enfin, le discours satirique permet-il de 's'engager' ou de se désengager du système médiatique, des débats et enjeux de l'espace public ? a l'arrière-plan, ne peut-on pas retrouver un discours sur des 'valeurs', des idéaux (une véritable argumentation donc) ou une sorte de discours sur les illusions perdues, appelé à fonctionner comme une révolte ou un appel ? / How politics and current affairs are presented through satire : the specific approach of "Le Canard enchaîné" to the communication process and the treatment of news.

This study focuses on the amount of coverage given by four major tabloid newspapers-Demos, Zambeze, Savana and Domingo-to the candidates of the major political parties Renamo and Frelimo, during the 2004 presidential race. The number of stories of both parties in those newspapers were counted and calculated by chi-square to determine how much one party was covered than the other identifying signs of balance or bias. The research showed that there was a significant result of 42 percent of likelihood that stories in the four newspapers would either be about Frelimo or Renamo. However, the study also revealed that Frelimo was the party covered most often by Demos, Zambeze and Savana while Renamo was covered most often by Domingo.

This study seeks to determine, through content analysis, whether there was evidence in news magazines during the 1980 presidential campaign to support the claim that Anderson was a "media-created candidate." Studying weekly issues of Time, Newsweek, and U. S. News & World Report from April 28, 1980 through November 3, 1980, it was found that (a) Anderson received 17 per cent of the total campaign coverage, compared to Reagan's 42 per cent and Carter's 37 per cent, and (b) overall, Anderson's coverage was mildly negative in all magazines. The study concludes that rather than "creating" Anderson, news magazines may have undercut his viability by restricting the length and number of stories about him.

The objective of this study is to identify newspapers who supported or opposed portions of the New Deal from 1932 to 1938. Nine newspapers from various geographic areas were consulted. Chapter II discusses the 1932 campaign, in which all newspapers supported Roosevelt. Chapter III discusses the First New Deal, in which widespread support was evidenced. Chapter IV discusses the Second New Deal, in which criticism appeared. Chapter V discusses the 1936 campaign, in which only one newspaper opposed Roosevelt. Chapter VI discusses three post-1936 issues. The study determined that Texas newspapers became more critical during the 1930s. The central hypothesis, that urban newspapers were more critical of urban measures and rural newspapers of rural measures, was rejected.

The purpose of this thesis is to reveal the slanderous rhetoric of the Federalist and Republican parties during the American presidential election of 1800. Both parties relied on newspapers, pamphlets, sermons, and songs to influence public opinion; however, newspapers were the most effective means of swaying the voters. Although the Federalists, led by John Adams and Alexander Hamilton, had almost twice as many partisan newspapers to disseminate their propaganda, the Republicans, under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson, had a much larger number of journals that were substantially more dogmatic in their denunciations. This advantage, coupled with internal Federalist crises, enabled the Republicans to be victorious at the polls. This study proves that the campaign of 1800 was one of the most libelous and rancorous in United States history.

M.A. University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities (Journalism and Media Studies), 2012 / The relationship between governments and the media has historically been an antagonistic one, and investigative journalism – the material manifestation of the role of the press as fourth estate – is central to this antagonism. In their capacity as the fourth estate, those newspapers that pursue and publish investigative journalism stand in opposition to government. Governments have responded to this opposition in a variety of ways; mostly, however, by way of legislated censorship of the press. In South Africa, the legislation that regulated what newspapers could print under apartheid was unusually vast. In spite of this, major exposés of government corruption – and worse – were seen on the front pages of those publications that pursue investigations into political malfeasance. In South Africa’s post-apartheid democracy, with constitutional protection of the freedom of expression, there has been increasing evidence of what Jackson has called the “embedded qualities of intolerance and secrecy” (1993: 164) in the state’s response to revelations of corruption in the press, culminating in the Protection of State Information Bill that was passed in Parliament in November 2011. The passing of the Bill has resulted in widespread concern about the possibility of legislated, apartheid-style censorship of the media and freedom of expression. I interviewed five editors who were part of exposing state corruption during and after apartheid, in order to establish what motivates their decisions to keep on printing stories that brings them into conflict with the political powers of the day, in spite of the financial consequences for their publications. Regardless of the different political landscapes, the strategies that they followed in order to keep on publishing were remarkably similar, as is their reason for continuing to publish investigative stories: they believe it embodies the role of the press in a democracy. Indicators are that editors will keep on publishing, in spite of attempts by the government to gag the press.