This study is essentially a descriptive account of the images of women labeled as prostitutes in the newspapers of Muncie, Indiana, at the turn of the century. In addition, attention was also given to how women as a group were presented. It was suspected that there would be a correlation between the images of women stigmatized by arrest and the images of those other women whose status or behavior was thought to merit inclusion in the newspapers.This paper includes: 1. a brief overview of the social, economic and political dynamics of the town in 1895, 1905 and 1914, 2. a section on images of the prostitute as portrayed by the newspapers during these years as well as an attempt to evaluate the actual, as opposed to symbolic, position of women identified as prostitutes and 3. a review of the activities and images of other women as presented in newspaper accounts.The main findings are: 1. In 1895, prostitutes were presented as stigmatized but integral members of the community who were routinely regulated by law enforcers while women as a group were newsworthy primarily when involved with the legal system in cases involving, marriage, divorce and suicide. 2. In 1905, the prostitute had become a symbol of individual and communal decay while women in general were portrayed within the context of romantic love whereby passion led to elopements, divorce, suicide and interpersonal violence. 3. By 1915, the image of women labeled as prostitutes had shifted again to that of a youthful victim of socioeconomic processes. This new image was linked with the much publicized ascendancy of middle-class women into the public sphere as professionals, club members and active reformers in the town. 4. Women labeled as prostitutes suffered a loss of status and legal protection between 1895and 1915 while women actively involved in public life experienced increased visibility and affirmation in the newspapers.

This thesis examines the role of both the local and international media during the May 2000 coup, to determine whether the coverage was fair and to suggest solutions for the future. It will first discuss and compare literature that has been written on the Fiji coups, focusing on literature on the media and the coups in particular. According to Fowler (1991) the role of a journalist is to collect facts, report them objectively and present them fairly and without bias in language which is designed to be unambiguous, undistorting and agreeable to readers. However, in most times this is not the case. A thematic content analysis will be done on news articles that appeared in The Fiji Times, The New Zealand Herald and The Australian to find common themes during the coverage of the crisis. A lot of criticism of the both the local and international media’s role during the May 2000 coup emerged after the crisis. Critics included editors and journalists of the local and international media and political and historical analysts who knew the ‘real reasons’ behind the coup and did not see this being reported. A summary of interviews with journalists and editors who covered the coup, both local and overseas, will give an insight into their thoughts and reactions during the coup. It will also determine whether the journalists suffered from the Stockholm syndrome. The Stockholm syndrome describes the behaviour of kidnap victims or people who associate a lot with the captors, and who over time become sympathetic to their captors. The name is derived from a 1973 hostage siege in Stockholm, Sweden when at the end of six days of captivity at a bank; several kidnap victims actually resisted rescue attempts, and afterwards refused to testify against their captors. During the Fiji coup, apart from Speights supporters, journalists were the only ones who spent a lot of time with the coup leader either at press conferences or staying at Parliament to get good stories. As a result, some journalists began to ‘sway’ towards Speight or began to experience the Stockholm syndrome which was reflected in their stories. The thesis concludes that a few journalists in Fiji did suffer from the Stockholm syndrome. It also concludes that a crisis manual is needed for media organisations in Fiji to avoid the same mistakes being repeated as in the last three coups. The overseas media on the other hand need to attach themselves to the local media to avoid parachute journalism and inaccurate reporting. Overseas media organisations need to assign special reporters to Pacific Island affairs to understand the culture and other complex issues which would help in reporting their issues fairly and accurately.

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In 1993, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) held the first APEC Economic Leaders Meeting (AELM). Raising APEC interaction to the top track, the level of leaders, proved to be an effective and powerful dynamic; the AELM continues to meet annually and to shape APEC policy. The focus on the AELM as the source of vision and direction reinforces the pivotal importance of this political assemblage, reassures the populace that leaders do prevail and all is well: essential ingredients, according to Clifford Geertz, of political theater. The role of journalists, the contemporary scribes or critics, is to inform the audience of this political drama. The objective of this research is to demonstrate that real political value exists in the 'Staging of APEC' in terms of effective economic and political integration of benefit to broad regional interests. The findings draw on the results of a content analysis of news reports covering the first six years of the AELM (1993-1998). Formally, the AELM is an opportunity for regional political leaders to engage in regional policy formation outlined by the pillars of APEC (trade liberalization, facilitation and cooperation) guided by the principals of open regionalism and concerted unilateralism. Activity on the formal, or main stage, also flows to the small stage where leaders merge in a neutral venue. On this stage, leaders are free to examine distinctly non-economic, yet intersecting interests including domestic agendas, human rights and pluri-lateral security concerns. Together, these dual stages, neither one complete without the other, form the political theatre of APEC and provide the value added for the leaders and ultimately for the Asia – Pacific region. / Arts, Faculty of / Asian Research, Institute of / Graduate

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This study views the media as a powerful agent which constructs the narratives of political candidates. In order to determine whether the media constructs the narratives of male and female political candidates differently, newspaper articles were analyzed for two 1994 Congressional races, each involving a male and a female candidate (Thurman versus Garlits and Byrne versus Davis). The first research question posed the following question: Does the media devote more coverage to male or female candidates? The next question concerned media endorsements of the candidates. Third, the settings in which the media portrayed the male and female candidates were compared. Finally, differences in the media's attitude toward male and female candidates were analyzed.