As a public medium and a vehicle of "culture", which frames and comprehends social priorities, relations and identities, news has received scant anthropological attention (Spitulnik 1993). Whanganui Iwi�s occupation of Moutoa Gardens in 1995 was made available to a public as "news". My project reveals a range of exclusions around these mediations, which conjure wider issues regarding the production of representations within (post) colonial contexts. As a contribution to anthropology, my ethnography responds to the limitations of traditional ethnographic praxis, providing a productive response to criticisms of the discipline and revealing the public value of ethnographic sensibilities. Whanganui Iwi believed the Gardens to be the historical site of Pakaitore pa. The area was reclaimed as a marae, shelters were built, the perimeter fenced, and Iwi lived on site for 80 days. The initiative constituted an expression of Iwi�s experiences of exteriority within Wanganui and their frustration with the delay of the Crown�s response to their claims alleging breaches of Treaty of Waitangi. Iwi temporarily inverted their relationship to the Pakeha community by establishing a literal boundary to the marae, which rendered those who were not supportive of Iwi aspirations "outsiders". While access to the marae was controlled, and restrictions were placed on news workers, the only group banned from the marae were the employees of the city�s newspaper, the Wanganui Chronicle. My project details the production of news about Pakaitore, and the attempts of Iwi to control their representation; specifying the role of "location" (both spatial and ideological) in the production of written and photographic accounts (Haraway 1991). I examine how the structures of news production are deployed and contested by news workers, and the manner in which news texts may or may not be "inhabited" by their subjects and public. I compare the journalistic practices of Chronicle workers, prior to and following their ban, with those of out of town newsworkers from press and television. The mechanisms, codes, and values of what makes "good" news structure particular locations for news workers, and this largely precluded conveying the intention and experience of nga Iwi at Pakaitore. This extended to the reports gathered by the reporter for TVNZ (the state owned broadcaster), who, as Iwi whānau, was allowed unfettered access to the marae. Being "the news" interfered with agendas inside the marae. From this location, Pakaitore was about building relationships between hapu and strengthening a sense of community. Hui addressed the status of Iwi within Wanganui, and rangatahi and visitors were educated in tribal history and tikanga. These priorities contest the "outside" perspective that Pakaitore was simply an attempt to antagonise Pakeha authorities. Throughout the course of my fieldwork visual aspects of media representations of Pakaitore were cited by a range of my informants as conveying particular authority. In some contexts this was by way of revealing the "truth" about the threat of protest to social cohesion, while in others it provided evidence for the media�s inability to represent the initiative in a manner that was sympathetic to, or representative of, Iwi whanau. I argue that the privileging of the disembodied visual reproduces myths of "otherness", covering over experiences of embodied "difference" and the history which renders activism intelligible. My project reveals that in Aotearoa/New Zealand, those contesting the Pakeha imaginary of a "post-racist" culture are cast as producing racial disharmony.

As a public medium and a vehicle of "culture", which frames and comprehends social priorities, relations and identities, news has received scant anthropological attention (Spitulnik 1993). Whanganui Iwi�s occupation of Moutoa Gardens in 1995 was made available to a public as "news". My project reveals a range of exclusions around these mediations, which conjure wider issues regarding the production of representations within (post) colonial contexts. As a contribution to anthropology, my ethnography responds to the limitations of traditional ethnographic praxis, providing a productive response to criticisms of the discipline and revealing the public value of ethnographic sensibilities. Whanganui Iwi believed the Gardens to be the historical site of Pakaitore pa. The area was reclaimed as a marae, shelters were built, the perimeter fenced, and Iwi lived on site for 80 days. The initiative constituted an expression of Iwi�s experiences of exteriority within Wanganui and their frustration with the delay of the Crown�s response to their claims alleging breaches of Treaty of Waitangi. Iwi temporarily inverted their relationship to the Pakeha community by establishing a literal boundary to the marae, which rendered those who were not supportive of Iwi aspirations "outsiders". While access to the marae was controlled, and restrictions were placed on news workers, the only group banned from the marae were the employees of the city�s newspaper, the Wanganui Chronicle. My project details the production of news about Pakaitore, and the attempts of Iwi to control their representation; specifying the role of "location" (both spatial and ideological) in the production of written and photographic accounts (Haraway 1991). I examine how the structures of news production are deployed and contested by news workers, and the manner in which news texts may or may not be "inhabited" by their subjects and public. I compare the journalistic practices of Chronicle workers, prior to and following their ban, with those of out of town newsworkers from press and television. The mechanisms, codes, and values of what makes "good" news structure particular locations for news workers, and this largely precluded conveying the intention and experience of nga Iwi at Pakaitore. This extended to the reports gathered by the reporter for TVNZ (the state owned broadcaster), who, as Iwi whānau, was allowed unfettered access to the marae. Being "the news" interfered with agendas inside the marae. From this location, Pakaitore was about building relationships between hapu and strengthening a sense of community. Hui addressed the status of Iwi within Wanganui, and rangatahi and visitors were educated in tribal history and tikanga. These priorities contest the "outside" perspective that Pakaitore was simply an attempt to antagonise Pakeha authorities. Throughout the course of my fieldwork visual aspects of media representations of Pakaitore were cited by a range of my informants as conveying particular authority. In some contexts this was by way of revealing the "truth" about the threat of protest to social cohesion, while in others it provided evidence for the media�s inability to represent the initiative in a manner that was sympathetic to, or representative of, Iwi whanau. I argue that the privileging of the disembodied visual reproduces myths of "otherness", covering over experiences of embodied "difference" and the history which renders activism intelligible. My project reveals that in Aotearoa/New Zealand, those contesting the Pakeha imaginary of a "post-racist" culture are cast as producing racial disharmony.

Access to abstract permanently restricted to Ball State community only / Access to thesis permanently restricted to Ball State community only / Department of Communication Studies

M.A., Journalism and Media Studies, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 2006 / The focus of this study is on the coverage of industrial action by the Mail & Guardian between 1999 and 2004. Mainly, the study seeks to understand the coverage of labour issues by the newspaper in post-apartheid South Africa. It is argued that the coverage, or lack of coverage, of labour issues by the paper is related to socio-economic and political conditions in the country. Literature on the influential role the ownership and control of media play in the content of news, as well as the influence of advertising, is analysed to attain a clear understanding of the pattern of coverage of labour news in post-apartheid South Africa. Therefore, the study uses the coverage of industrial action as a yardstick to measure as well as to understand the extent and the shift in editorial content of the newspaper with specific reference to industrial action. The main argument of the study is that the prevailing socio-economic and political conditions in South Africa, brought about by the advent of democracy, coupled with structural limitations play a fundamental role in determining the manner in which working-class issues are currently covered by the Mail & Guardian. It emerges in the study that the manner in which labour news in general and industrial action in particular are covered has shifted and thus replaced in the main by articles on labour politics. The extent to which the Mail & Guardian covers industrial action in the post-apartheid era has declined, and more emphasis is being placed on other beats that are not directly the interests of the poor and the working class.

The personal and national dimensions of terrorism victimhood lend the victims their unique moral authority and political legitimacy. The analysis of the news media coverage of victims' campaigns, on issues such as memorialization, criminal justice, hostage crises and peace activism, reveals that the more such campaigns are closer in time, space, and relevance to the attack that the victim-advocates underwent, the greater are their chances for positive coverage. Deferential coverage of victims' campaigns reflects journalism's cultural role as reinforcing common values and myths, including by way of portraying victims as heroes. Where victims' campaigns are less related to the physical memory of the attack and more concerned with the military or legal aspects of terrorism, journalists take on their informational role and employ traditional professional standards. Such standards include subjecting victims to potential criticism, and at the very least "balancing" their arguments with official views. In issues where the victims' arguments seem far removed from their personal experience, their influence over the news media is small. This range of journalistic notions is offered under the organizing mechanism of the Experience-Argument Scale. The two extreme ends of the Scale, the "deferential" end and the "disregarding" end, are where journalism's missions are in danger of compromise. Journalism at the "deferential" end is emotional, reluctant to bring forth opposing opinions, and in effect may contribute to policies that are driven more by trauma than by considered opinion. At the other end of the Scale, journalism is deaf to the victims, and fails to enrich policy debates with the lessons of their experience. The comparative examination of coverage in the U.S. and Israel illuminates the different relationships between press and government in these two cultures, and how local responses to victims reflect the particular local history of terrorism, and the particular notions of nationhood, solidarity and patriotism.

「社會企業責任」是一個自相矛盾的名詞 ，它擁有無數有可能的意思 -「企業」暗喻賺取利潤，「社會」暗喻很多不同人士關注的不同利益，「責任」暗喻必要及非自願的行動。它是一個非固定的概念。跟據跨媒體議題設定理論，這研究利用內容分析,探討香港兩間本地電力公司如何利用有關社會企業責任的新聞稿影響報章的報道。結果顯示社會企業責任主題的新聞稿並沒有得到報章的重視，報章普遍認為某些對與公眾相關的主題的重要性較高。但關於社會企業責任的描述，例如發生的地區及合作的機構，就與報章的報道有相關性。而與社會企業責任活動有關的持份者及新聞稿中的引述數目與報章報道的次數是沒有關連的。這研究將原本的議題設定理論作出更改，以社會企業責任不同的「主題」代替「議題」為第一層議題設定作出分析；而第二層的分析就以被引用的源頭及引用內容的取態作出分析。。在報章的報道中，不同報章對各個主題的重視程度不一，所以它們報道的取態都有所不同。由於社會企業責任相關的資訊都較為正面，新聞稿是結構性的策略，目的是改變傳媒的行為，希望得到重視。這研究顯示出在新聞選擇、取態及擬訂的過程中，某些因素能取決社會企業責任相關資訊的新聞價值。 / “Corporate social responsibility“ is an oxymoron with multiple possible meanings - “corporate“ implies profit making, “social“ implies a multiplicity of interests and “responsibility implies required, thus involuntary actions. It is a fluid concept. Based on the intermedia agenda setting theory, this study employed content analysis to investigate how the CSR-related news releases published by the two local electricity providers in Hong Kong have contributed to press coverage. The results reflect that the salience of CSR theme is not transferred - the press assigns different degrees of emphasis to themes of higher relevance to the general public. The descriptions using which the CSR information is presented, such as location and the CSR partner with whom the CSR activities were carried out, are found to be significant to the amount of press coverage. However, the stakeholder groups affected by the CSR activities and the number of sources quoted in the news releases are not related to the amount of press coverage. The original agenda setting effects model was revised; apart from measuring CSR theme as the 1st level, the 2nd level was changed - source attributions and the tone of those attributions were studied. In the media agenda, the newspapers differ in their degrees of emphasis assigned to each CSR theme, thus, also vary in the tone of their coverage. Given the distinctive nature of CSR information being mostly positive, news releases are structured efforts intended to push for a behavioral change in the media. This study shows the process involves contingent factors that highlight the measurements of the newsworthy elements of CSR themes during the process of news selection, framing and elaboration. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Tam, Lai Shan. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 136-148). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.5-11 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Theoretical Framework on Agenda Setting --- p.12-31 / The Agenda Setting Theory / Intermedia Agenda Setting Effects / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Theoretical Review on CSR Communication --- p.32-57 / What is Corporate Social Responsibility? / The Corporate Agenda / The Public Agenda / The Media Agenda / Research Questions / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Methodology --- p.58-69 / Methods / Sampling / Data Collection / Variables / Statistical Analysis / Revised Framework / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Results --- p.70-94 / The Corporate Agenda / The Media Agenda / Relationships between the Corporate and Media Agendas / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Conclusion & Discussion --- p.95-135 / Measuring “Issue“ in CSR Communication / Defining the “Attributes of Issues“ / Defining the “Transfer of Attributes“ / Monitoring Media Coverage / Measuring Consistency within CSR Communication / Contributions to the Intermedia Agenda Setting Research / CSR Communication & Intermedia Agenda Setting / The Media Ecology / Nature of Business & Application to Other Industries / The Hong Kong Context / Limitations / Chapter Chapter 7 --- References --- p.136-148

Abstract not available

This thesis examines the British daily and Sunday press construction of news about Iran and Islam in the first decade of the revolution. More interestingly, it attempts an analysis of the press coverage of Iran using a framework of combined approaches for the study of foreign news in the Western media. This study shows that the press operates under a variety of influences and constraints which become part of the structure of the press construction of foreign news. Three major components of this structure are emphasised and seen to interact in examination of the coverage of the different aspects of the Islamic revolution. Each offers an interpretive framework for the way the press selected and presented certain specific events. The first of the three components and bases for analysis highlights the role of the press in communicating political issues relating to the West. Analysis shows a strong interaction between journalists and Western sources of news and other selected pro-West sources of information. A strong Western dimension is observed in the selection and presentation process of most themes. The press stresses the importance of the Western interests in the Middle East which are seen as being threatened by the enemies of the West, e.g. Iran, Islamic fundamentalism, and terrorism. The second component deals with "cultural resonances". Analysis shows that the British press constructs its news to resonate with the cultural symbols of the West. In this thesis historical and recent perceptions of Iran and Islam are explored as a background reference for the explanations of these cultural resonances, which result in a press alignment with the dominant values of the West perceived as superior. The third component is made up of the constraints imposed on British journalists and the limited range of news values. These professional obstacles decide the selection and presentation of particular news stories and specific facts and leave other aspects of the same stories unexplored and decontextualised. The results of the study contribute to increase our knowledge of how and why the press, once the reported country defined as an enemy to the West, use powerful sources of news and the inclusion of statements from those sources at the expense of others, how and why the cultural aspects of the West figure so strongly in the coverage of foreign news, and how and why the ever-important criteria of news values play a definite role in the construction of the socio-political reality of Iran.

Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Masters Degree of Technology: Public Relations Management, Durban University of Technology, 2010. / During the Apartheid era in South Africa, women were marginalised from sport. The ability to participate in sport in South Africa is intrinsically linked to the political history of the country. Sport played a dynamic role in the struggle against the diabolical system of apartheid in South Africa and has a powerful role to play in the transformation and nation building of South Africa. Women have made great strides in sport in recent years in South Africa and the way in which media portray these sporting achievements is critically important to dislodging negative stereotypes and overcoming discrimination of women in sport. The unfair coverage of women’s sport displays gender based attitudes which systematically disadvantage women’s position in society. Women’s participation in sport has grown dramatically but despite this growth coverage of women in sport remains inferior to that given to men in sport across all media. Media need to acknowledge, promote and celebrate the wealth of talent that there is to be enjoyed by society. Newspaper reports are seldom challenged for not being accurate or truthful. But readers have a right to truthful information and reporting, and being trustworthy to the reader is the basis of good journalism. Media need to collectively reflect a diversity of content to ensure public access to a variety of viewpoints and they should expect societal intervention if the media fail to meet professional standards. The print media has a fundamental role to play in shaping public opinion and undoubtedly have an influence in portraying women in sport in South Africa. This study critically analyses the influence of the print media in portraying women in sport.

With the longstanding popularity of American team sports having now lead us to a point where athletes are multi‐million dollar investments capable of impacting culture beyond the playing field, the teams and leagues that provide a platform for these athletes to perform are more concerned with image and brand management now more than ever. Consequently, star athletes have become an increasingly vital part of building and sustaining league and team brands. The public relations methods utilized by these groups, especially the teams, when a star athlete has committed a PR blunder have varied over time. This content analysis uncovers whether the public relations tactics used by teams when a star athlete is accused of sexual assault has any impact on fan support. The study also seeks to find the public relations best practices that teams use in this situation, and whether or not there is any relationship in methods used by leagues and their corresponding teams and front offices. Newspaper articles pertaining to the sexual assault accusations of Kobe Bryant, Ben Roethlisberger and Johan Santana were used in this analysis, with two major news publications from each athlete’s home city providing the content. / Department of Journalism