This dissertation principally analyses: (i) the privatisation of Zambia’s copper mines; (ii) the impact of state and private ownership and control of the mines on development; and (iii) the roles of mining TNCs in the Zambian economy. The research covers the period from independence in 1964 to 2006/7, but mainly focuses on the 1991 to 2006/7 period. The validity of several neo-classical theoretical views and counter-arguments pertaining to the social and economic benefits of privatisation and the private ownership and the activities of mining TNCs is tested in the mining sector study. The methodology is based on a case study comprising fieldwork and literature research, utilising a qualitative approach and an inductive method. The conclusions of the study could enhance knowledge from which other developing countries intent on privatising their SOEs could draw, as privatisation studies of sub-Saharan countries have mostly overlooked analyses of the social impact of the private ownership of enterprises. Key findings of the study are that the privatisation and private ownership of the mines by TNCs have failed to produce net positive socio-economic outcomes for Zambia. Furthermore, under private ownership of the mines, the political-economic benefits have shifted, mainly concentrating the surpluses from mining in favour of mining TNCs. The primary recommendations from the study are that certain measures, in particular a strong state capacity, are fundamental in enabling greater and more equitable redistribution of benefits for the country from privatisation, private ownership and the economic activities of mining TNCs.

Notion cardinale du droit liée à plusieurs aspects des rapports sociaux, à la liberté, à l'égalité, appréhendée de manière individualiste ou dans une finalité sociale, la propriété est éminemment contingente. Au même titre que l'individu particulier reconnu dans sa capacité sociale de possession et de maîtrise des biens, l'Etat, et la plupart des personnes publiques,sont propriétaires ou gestionnaires de biens qu'il leur convient de valoriser économiquement. Toutefois, malgré l'unicité de l'essence même du concept de propriété entre les personnes publiques et les personnes privées, son exercice reste largement exorbitant lorsqu'il est au contact de personnes publiques. La propriété publique reste en effet profondément déterminée par la qualité de ses titulaires,et son régime,nécessairement « finalisé » par l'affectation des biens publics à l'utilité publique. Par ailleurs,la scission du patrimoine des personnes publiques en deux masses de biens très distinctes en théorie constitue une autre particularité qui, elle, a perdu de sa pertinence et de son intelligibilité.Les fondements historiques et juridiques de la distinction domaniale ne reposent en réalité que sur un artifice. Dès lors, il convient de procéder à une redéfinition des relations entre les éléments de personnalité et d'affectation qui sont à la base du concept de propriété publique,et de proposer la suppression de cette summa divisio devenue anachronique et même illogique. Parce que les biens publics appartiennent tous par principe à des personnes publiques qui servent peu ou prou l'intérêt général, cette piste de réflexion semble particulièrement opportune pour une future réforme du droit des biens publics. / Cardinal notion of law related to several aspects of social relations, freedom, equality, understood in an individualistic way or in a social purpose, the property is highly contingent. As well as the private individual recognized in its social capacity of possession and control of property, the State, and most public entities are owners or property managers who can value their property. However, despite the uniqueness of the essence of the ownership concept between public and private individuals, its exercise remains largely different, when in contact with public entities. Public ownership remains deeply determined by the quality of its owners, and its regime necessarily "finalized" as determined by the allocation of public goods to the public interest. Moreover, the division of public property in two masses of goods theoretically very different is another feature which, in turn, has lost its relevance and its intelligibility. The historical and legal distinction, of which its rationality is highly questionable, is in fact based on a device. Therefore, it is advisable to proceed to a new definition of the relationship between personality traits and allocation to the public utility located at the base of the concept of public property, and to propose the abolition of this summa divisio which has become anachronistic and even illogical. Because the public goods belong in principle to public entities who serve more or less public interest, this line of thought seems to be particularly appropriate for a future reform of the law on public property.

I analyze the impact that a Major League Baseball (MLB) team’s ownership structure has on its financial and on-the-field efficiency. Previous work has shown that ownership structure does have an impact on firm efficiency. In MLB, a team under the management of a corporate owner could have access to potential cost and revenue synergies that would otherwise be unavailable to a team with a private owner. These synergies should increase the financial efficiencies of corporately owned teams, which should translate to success on the field, as measured by on-the-field efficiency.

Diss. (sammanfattning). Umeå : Sveriges lantbruksUniversity. / Härtill 4 uppsatser.

Diss. (sammanfattning) Uppsala : Sveriges lantbruksuniversitet, 2004. / Härtill 4 uppsatser.

Examensarbete.

Licentiatavhandling (sammanfattning) Alnarp : Sveriges lantbruksuniversitet. / Härtill 4 uppsatser.

Topic of this master thesis is the characterization of the relationship between private oil companies and the state. Ambition is to render this co-existence based on historical case studies and practical examples. Case studies show a transparent variety of state approaches and relations with private oil companies. Practical examples are characterized by three major oil states and demonstrate their efforts to prioritize "national champions" and to maximize their income from oil. Based on results of this work, it is clear that private companies and the state in most cases need each other, altough their relations are often tense. There are also a far-reaching legislative changes that are making actions of private oil companies more difficult.

No description available.

Observers of neo-liberal persuasion claim that a financial system free of government regulation can lead to better allocation of resources and if the actual process of deregulation is done properly, the results can benefit society as a whole. Deregulation requires dismantling those state-based banking structures that are perceived as economically inefficient. This approach sets up a dichotomy between financial deregulation, which is portrayed as an intrinsic part of economic progress, and state regulation, which is seen as a force that interferes with entrepreneurial freedom and efficiency. This thesis argues that such a dichotomy can only be possible within the dominant neo-liberal discourses on the economy that have displaced Keynesian style economic management in core and peripheral areas of the world. Following Marxist structural approaches I also argue that financial deregulation is a class-based project that opens up profit sites and reflects the crisis in capitalist accumulation occurring in the latter part of the 20th century. Unlike neo-liberal followers I contend that the role of the state in maintaining and/or transforming capitalist structures in order to achieve certain outcomes (whatever they might be) is crucial in nation-building strategies in peripheral countries such as Costa Rica. As in many other countries, credit allocation was actively used in this country, for some thirty years in order to achieve high levels of investment, economic planning and re-distributive policies. However, the once fully nationalised banking system, as one of the few mechanisms available to the state to regulate savings and offer credit to different socio-economic groups, has gone through dramatic changes in the period from 1980-2000. Using a modified version of Hirschman's exit/voice framework for financial systems and available institutional data, I suggest that Costa Rica has moved from having a financial system that was predominantly owned by the state (public) and whose institutional arrangements were elite-led to one whose ownership is mixed but still led by elites. However if the trend persists I anticipate that it will become a predominantly privately owned system with an equal mixture of elite-voice and exit institutions.