L’éducation et la formation sont des institutions centrales de notre société. Garantes de l’intégration sociale et professionnelle des individus, elles ont aussi été érigées en piliers stratégiques du dynamisme économique dans la « société de la connaissance » (CE, 2000). Pour autant, bien que porteuses des valeurs démocratiques, elles sont le lieu d’observation de nombreuses inégalités, tant en formation initiale que professionnelle. Dans un contexte de précarisation du marché du travail, où le diplôme est nécessaire mais ne semble plus suffire pour assurer une intégration professionnelle stable, l’essor des Massive Open Online Course (MOOC) questionne. À partir d’une enquête mixte longitudinale, cette recherche s’est attachée à répondre à la problématique générale suivante : dans quelle mesure l’égalité formelle d’accès aux MOOC se traduit-elle par une égalité des chances pour les individus de les utiliser, d’y réussir et d’en tirer des bénéfices (objectifs et subjectifs) ? Cette étude des usages sociaux des MOOC et de leurs effets dans les trajectoires individuelles a été réalisée à partir de l’analyse de 5709 réponses d’inscrits au sein de 12 MOOC de France Université Numérique (FUN), réinterrogés un an plus tard (n=1778), et de 32 entretiens. Arguant en faveur d’une reproduction sociale des inégalités d’accès, les résultats montrent que l’égalité formelle d’accès ne suffit pas à une appropriation par tous de ces ressources. Ces usages restent principalement le fait d’individus détenant un capital humain élevé, bénéficiant d’une « insertion professionnelle assurée » (Paugam, 2007[2000]), coutumiers de la formation professionnelle et ayant d’intenses pratiques culturelles. Plus qu’une nouvelle voie d’accès à la formation, les MOOC semblent constituer un moyen supplémentaire, nécessitant des prérequis implicites. Pour autant, la construction d’une typologie d’usage a permis de mettre au jour que les MOOC peuvent constituer, même pour ces derniers, une réelle opportunité de formation. Majoritairement saisis dans un rapport a priori désintéressé de loisirs culturels, ils sont aussi utilisés pour satisfaire des objectifs formatifs variés. Ces six registres d’usage sont par ailleurs plus faiblement déterminés. L’évaluation de la réussite, lorsque les critères de l’achèvement et de la certification sont pertinents, met en évidence, pour ces individus favorisés, une égalité des chances d’y parvenir. Bien que ces usages sociaux n’aient, à court terme, aucun effet objectivable sur les trajectoires socio-professionnelles, ils sont porteurs de bénéfices plus subjectifs. Selon les particularités et la temporalité des « parcours biographiques » (Bourdon, 2010), ils participent au développement des identités personnelles et professionnelles ainsi qu’à une amélioration du vécu de certaines transitions. Loin de concurrencer en France le rôle des diplômes dans les parcours sociaux, les MOOC semblent plutôt en constituer un nouveau halo et participer à l’avènement d’une ère du signalement tout au long de la vie. / Education and vocational training are central institutions in today’s society. They play an important role in guaranteeing people’s social and professional integration. They are also considered strategic pillars of economic growth in “the knowledge society” (CE, 2000). However, despite their basis in democratic values and principles, there are still many inequalities in access and outcomes in both compulsory academic and vocational education. Moreover, because of the increasing flexibility and insecurity of work in the current labor market, a diploma is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for stable employment. In this context, the rise of Massive Open Online Courses (MOOC) raises questions about their contribution to the educational aims of equality and efficacy. Based on a mixed-methods approach, this thesis addresses the following research problem: To what extent does the formal equality of MOOC give people equal opportunities to use them, succeed in them, and earn tangible and subjective benefits? The analyses are carried out on data collected from 5709 people enrolled in 12 MOOC on the FUN platform, interviewed again one year later (n=1778), and on 32 interviews. Results show that the use of MOOC seems to reproduce social inequalities in educational access. Indeed, the people who enroll already have high levels of human capital and highly stable and qualified employment; furthermore, they are accustomed to professional training and have intense cultural practices. Rather than acting as a new way to access education and training for underserved people, MOOC seem to be a new resource for privileged individuals, and access to them appears to require implicit prerequisites. However, the typology of MOOC uses shows that even for these people, MOOC can be an additional training opportunity. Mainly used for disinterested purposes, such as “edutainment” or cultural interest, they are also real training and educational supports. Nevertheless, these types of uses are not strongly determined. When achievement and certification are used as indicators to assess the success of these social uses, results show no social inequalities in outcomes. However, at least in the short term, participating in a MOOC does not have any tangible impact on professional careers: Rather, their effects are subjective. Considering the “biographical path” of these people (Bourdon, 2010), I find that they use MOOC both to sustain individual and professional identities and to facilitate social transitions. Instead of competing with the role played by diplomas in France, MOOC seem to be a new “halo” of these educational credentials, participating in the development of the need to acquire skills throughout one’s career and reinforcing the trend towards life-long learning.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-08T16:35:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 mestrado.pdf: 473436 bytes, checksum: 46800675bc4cf7e20698af6228351eb9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation has as its main objective locate evidences in the state of Santa Catarina, of Cacilda Rodrigues Guimarães professional performance, particularly in the Reform of the Public Instruction, which occurred in this state in the year of 1911. Despite of certain erasure of her trajectory in the magisterium catarinense, the investigations suggest that her passage through the state s education happened in a very effective way. Cacilda Guimarães qualified as an educator capable of conveying the intuitive method, which was the basis of the reform of 1911 and she has a performance that left traces in institutions from Santa Catarina and in educators testimonies. Based on documents located in public archives of the states of Santa Catarina and São Paulo, documents which contain laws, decrees, opinions, property terms, as well on collections of learning institutions, as example of the Normal School Caetano de Campos, the intention was to draw a trajectory that was maintained for some time sheltered or even forgotten. Among the probable hypotheses for the erasure of the Cacilda Guimaraes activities, stands out her condition of the reformer s wife, professor Orestes de Oliveira Guimarães, figure always in evidence. From the evidence and fragments of her professional training and of her trajectory in Santa Catarina, this paper tried to give visibility to the practices that often have been in the shadow of the great names of historiographical scenario. In theoretical terms the research is based on studies affiliated to the cultural history, especially from the perspective of Antonio Viñao Frago. The time cutting has suffered decline in relation to the year of the Reform of Public Instruction in Santa Catarina, in order to understand aspects of her professional training and her first contacts with the state of Santa Catarina, which provided her conditions of employment. It goes until 1931, the year of the death of Orestes Guimarães, and which also marks the year in which appears the last news about the teacher / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo central localizar indícios no estado de Santa Catarina, da atuação profissional da professora paulista Cacilda Rodrigues Guimarães, em especial na Reforma da Instrução Pública, ocorrida neste estado no ano de 1911. A despeito de certo apagamento de sua trajetória no magistério catarinense, as investigações sugerem que sua passagem na educação do estado se fez de maneira bastante efetiva. Cacilda Guimarães qualificou-se como educadora capaz de disseminar o método intuitivo, carro-chefe da reforma de 1911 e teve uma atuação que deixou vestígios em instituições catarinenses e em testemunhos de educadores. Com base em documentos localizados em arquivos públicos dos estados de Santa Catarina e de São Paulo, de que fazem parte leis, decretos, pareceres, termos de posse, bem como em acervos de instituições de ensino, a exemplo da Escola Normal Caetano de Campos, pretendeu-se traçar uma trajetória que se manteve por algum tempo resguardada ou mesmo esquecida. Dentre as prováveis hipóteses para o apagamento da atuação de Cacilda Guimarães, destaca-se sua condição de esposa do reformador, o professor Orestes de Oliveira Guimarães, figura sempre em evidência. A partir dos indícios e fragmentos de sua formação profissional e de sua trajetória em Santa Catarina, buscou-se conferir maior visibilidade a práticas que muitas vezes estiveram à sombra dos grandes nomes do cenário historiográfico. Em termos teóricos a pesquisa está embasada em estudos filiados à história cultural, principalmente na perspectiva de António Viñao Frago. O recorte temporal sofreu recuo em relação ao ano da Reforma da Instrução Pública Catarinense, no intuito de compreender aspectos de sua formação profissional e os primeiros contatos com o estado catarinense, que lhe proporcionaram condições de contratação. Segue-se até 1931, ano do falecimento de Orestes Guimarães, e que marca também o ano no qual se tem a última notícia a respeito da professora