This dissertation explores how student housing impacted the college campus of the University of Kentucky in the Progressive Era. Student housing has long been part of the college ideal but lacked full engagement by many administrators. Through three examinations, housing will be shown to have directly influenced the administrative, social, and staffing elements of the college campus. The role student housing played in the interaction of political, rural, and sociological changes on the campus during the time period allows exploration in detail while addressing the changes within those areas of the state as well. While housing was an afterthought by the administration due to oversight and lack of funding throughout much of the examined history (1880-1945), its consideration was still an essential part of student life and part of the college ideal. Housing was a place wholly of the student – while administrators set policies and the government had a concern for it at various times, it was also a place where, originally, a “boys will be boys” mentality slid by, unapproved, but unthreatened. However, how did the politics of the state shape the college and its housing experience? How did the addition of women students, the first of many major additions that were foreign to the original student population of mostly rural males, change the campus and its structures? Originating in the “environment” of student-centered housing – be it boarding houses, Greek houses, or dormitories, the students who populated these facilities would cajole, alter, and sometimes force the campus through both intentional and unintentional engagements and interactions. This dissertation shall establish an understanding of how the administration, particularly the presidency, viewed student housing. Following the introduction, three sections shall detail instances of housing influencing the campus climate in ways previously understudied. First, an examination of the political climate of the state interacted with concerns about student housing as a key factor in ending the presidency of Barker. The second section will show how a judicial ruling created new forms of student services – granting in loco parentis control but also creating the need for the diversification of services beyond what had existed previously. The third section will denote, in detail, how housing women changed the college campus – expanding its borders and the need for services. Through such examinations, a previously unexplored role of student living quarters as affecting the growth and development of the University of Kentucky into the institution it is now shall become apparent.

At the turn of the twentieth century, City Beautiful principles manifested themselves in the historic core of New Orleans: the Vieux Carre. City and state officials determined that the Cabildo and Presbytere were no longer suitable sites for the Louisiana Supreme Courts, and set about erecting a monumental, Beaux Arts-style courthouse amid the dense, vernacular built environment of the French Quarter. Two hundred fifty-one individuals were displaced as a result of the expropriation and demolition of forty-one structures occupying the square bounded Royal, Chartres, Conti and St. Louis streets. While significant scholarly research has interpreted the motives and visions of Progressive-era urban reformers, few studies have addressed issues of power in shaping these narratives and in silencing the past. Through its analysis of the planning processes surrounding the Louisiana Supreme Court Building, this thesis acknowledges these silences and raises questions about those most impacted: the displaced.

Au XIXème siècle et jusqu’au début du XXème siècle, les Africaines Américaines étaient exclues des codes de féminité américains, qui posaient en modèle la « femme victorienne ». Souvent jugées « immorales », elles étaient la cible de nombreuses critiques, notamment dans la presse. Au tournant du siècle, lorsque le modèle victorien laissa peu à peu la place à celui de la « nouvelle femme », les Africaines Américaines continuèrent à revendiquer leur statut de femmes et redéfinirent ce que signifiait être une femme noire aux États-Unis.Nous avons voulu étudier la façon dont certaines activistes, membres de clubs de femmes et intellectuelles appartenant à la classe moyenne et supérieure, envisageaient leur identité de femmes entre le début des années 1860 et le début des années 1920. Cette étude s’appuie sur leurs récits de vie, tels que leurs autobiographies, journaux intimes, correspondance, ainsi que sur leurs discours, essais, et articles parus dans la presse.Le but de cette thèse est d’analyser les attitudes et les stratégies adoptées par ces femmes pour défendre l’image de la femme noire aux États-Unis, à une période charnière de l’histoire américaine. Cette biographie collective examine tout particulièrement la vie et la pensée de quatre activistes majeures de cette période: Fannie Barrier Williams (1855-1944), Ida B. Wells-Barnett (1862-1931), dont la voix s’éleva contre le lynchage, Mary Church Terrell (1863-1954), et Anna Julia Cooper (1858-1964), qui fut l’une des premières féministes noires américaines. / In the nineteenth century, African American women’s womanhood was denied and constantly under attack. After emancipation (1865), they crafted their own definition of what it meant to be a woman of color in the United States. At the turn of the century, as Victorianism was gradually yielding ground, the model of the modern, “new woman” emerged. In this context, African American women went on redefining the meaning of black womanhood. This dissertation examines how some African American women activists, clubwomen and intellectuals belonging to the middle and upper-classes reflected upon being a woman and asserted their womanhood between the 1860s and the early 1920s.This study analyzes the attitudes and strategies they adopted, in their life writings, – such as their autobiographies, diaries and letters – their articles, essays and speeches and in their club work, to defend the image of women of color in the rapidly changing society of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This dissertation also explores the importance of the notions of region and nation in the definition of womanhood. This interpretive collective biography particularly examines the lives and thoughts of four major activists of the time period: Fannie Barrier Williams (1855-1944), Ida B. Wells-Barnett (1862-1931), the famous crusader against lynching, Mary Church Terrell (1863-1954), and Anna Julia Cooper (1858-1964), one of the first black feminists in America.

This paper explores how changing conceptions of religion, race, and gender at the beginning of the twentieth century promoted transnational anti-systemic movements and increased cooperation between progressive intellectuals and political activists. Using the cases of Bertrand Russell, George Bernard Shaw, W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Jane Addams, and Sylvia Pankhurst, this paper chronicles and analyzes protest to the First World War and objection to the organization of the world-system.

This dissertation is about American Red Cross and YMCA work in revolutionary and civil war Russia. It focuses on the most significant phases of these organizations’ efforts in terms of the numbers of personnel involved and the funds expended: Moscow and Petrograd, 1917–18; northern Russia during the Allied military intervention, 1918–19; and Siberia and the Russian Far East, from 1918 through the early 1920s. By drawing on dozens of often underused archival collections this study is able to discuss these “constructive efforts” in much fuller detail than have existing works. The activities of the Americans who worked in Russia, rather than those who made policy from afar, are of primary interest. The concern here, beyond the what, where, and who, is why: Why did American relief or social service work occur? The answers, of which there are several, include a desire to provide assistance to suffering populations. But the humanitarian impulse was often not the one that carried the day when decisions about policy and practice were taken. Military concerns were important, especially while the Great War still raged on the western front, and while Allied and American soldiers fought Russian Bolsheviks. American relief workers also saw themselves as contributing directly to relations between Russia and Russians on the one hand, and the United States, the Allies, and the American people on the other. They were moved to carry out their work because they saw the importance of it for the present and future of relations between the two countries. Americans in Russia also took advantage of the presence of soldiers, civilian refugees, and former prisoners of war from a variety of European countries to spread the good word about all things American. Ultimately, Americans viewed revolutionary Russia through the lens of modernization. With American help, the future could be bright. With the right leadership in place to oversee their education, honest, hardworking, and intellectually curious peasants (as they were described by contemporary observers) could be turned into modern citizens. The Russian project failed to achieve its promise, but for a time Americans retained their optimism about Russia’s future.

This dissertation is about American Red Cross and YMCA work in revolutionary and civil war Russia. It focuses on the most significant phases of these organizations’ efforts in terms of the numbers of personnel involved and the funds expended: Moscow and Petrograd, 1917–18; northern Russia during the Allied military intervention, 1918–19; and Siberia and the Russian Far East, from 1918 through the early 1920s. By drawing on dozens of often underused archival collections this study is able to discuss these “constructive efforts” in much fuller detail than have existing works. The activities of the Americans who worked in Russia, rather than those who made policy from afar, are of primary interest. The concern here, beyond the what, where, and who, is why: Why did American relief or social service work occur? The answers, of which there are several, include a desire to provide assistance to suffering populations. But the humanitarian impulse was often not the one that carried the day when decisions about policy and practice were taken. Military concerns were important, especially while the Great War still raged on the western front, and while Allied and American soldiers fought Russian Bolsheviks. American relief workers also saw themselves as contributing directly to relations between Russia and Russians on the one hand, and the United States, the Allies, and the American people on the other. They were moved to carry out their work because they saw the importance of it for the present and future of relations between the two countries. Americans in Russia also took advantage of the presence of soldiers, civilian refugees, and former prisoners of war from a variety of European countries to spread the good word about all things American. Ultimately, Americans viewed revolutionary Russia through the lens of modernization. With American help, the future could be bright. With the right leadership in place to oversee their education, honest, hardworking, and intellectually curious peasants (as they were described by contemporary observers) could be turned into modern citizens. The Russian project failed to achieve its promise, but for a time Americans retained their optimism about Russia’s future.

The present thesis investigates the commercial sex hygiene films produced between the years 1914 and 1919 in the United States, during the last years of the Progressive Era. Rejected and prohibited as soon as five years after their apparition, the sex hygiene films’ position within the industry, as well as the cinematic techniques they incorporated, will be analysed through the concept of the Low Other. The first part of the thesis aims to delineate the used concepts, as well as integrate the sex hygiene film into a wider cultural, social, and political framework. The second part explores the films’ aesthetic construction, then focuses on a textual analysis of the narrative and non-narrative methods implied by three particular sex hygiene films. Finally, the thesis concludes that the films used a series of cinematic methods to create a Low Other on-screen, yet these very methods ultimately played a part within their suppression as a Low Other body of culture.

Le mandat de Theodore Roosevelt à la Maison Blanche (1901-1909) fut marqué par de nombreux efforts dans la conservation des ressources naturelles. C’était une thématique doublement importante pour Roosevelt, car non seulement voyait-il les effets négatifs de l’industrialisation sur l’avenir des ressources, mais la nature constituait une de ses passions depuis son enfance. Ainsi, il désirait continuer à développer un mouvement conservationniste qui existait depuis les années 1870. Ultimement, son objectif fut de consolider toutes les ressources naturelles sous l’autorité du gouvernement fédéral, grâce à de nombreuses politiques de développement des forêts, des terres agricoles, des cours d’eau, des pâtures et des terres minérales. Ce mémoire présente les nombreux angles à partir desquels s’est développée la conservation rooseveltienne, en plus d’examiner le rôle d’individus importants dans la communauté de conservation à l’époque de Roosevelt. De prime abord, les efforts déployés par le 26e Président sont généralement associés aux retombées économiques des ressources ou à leur utilisation concrète et ce, avec raison. Toutefois, nous nous sommes interrogés sur d’autres enjeux de la conservation. Theodore Roosevelt était très attaché à son idée d’une nation typiquement américaine et à ce qu’il considérait comme les valeurs essentielles des États-Unis. Ainsi, nous nous sommes penchés sur le lien qui pouvait exister entre cet idéal de la nation et les efforts pour la conservation des ressources. Cette étude montre donc que, avec son projet de conservation, Roosevelt fut en mesure de rester fidèle à certains des idéaux qui, pour lui, étaient essentiels au bon fonctionnement de la société américaine / Theodore Roosevelt's term in the White House (1901-1909) was marked by many efforts in the conservation of natural resources. This was a doubly important theme for Roosevelt, because not only did he see the negative effects of industrialization on the future of resources, but nature had been one of his passions since his childhood. Thus, he wanted to continue to father a conservationist movement that had existed since the 1870s. Ultimately, his objective was to consolidate all natural resources under the authority of the federal government, through numerous policies for the development of forests, agricultural lands, rivers, pastures, ranges and mineral lands. This thesis presents the many perspectives from which conservation developed under Roosevelt, as well as the role of important individuals in the conservation community during the Roosevelt era. Although conservation is generally associated with the economic benefits of natural resources and their actual uses, we explore what other issues conservation could address. Theodore Roosevelt was very attached to his idea of a typically American nation and to what he saw as the essential values of the United States. Thus, we examine the link that might have existed between this ideal of the nation and the efforts to protect natural resources. Our study shows that, by putting his conservation project into practice, Roosevelt was able to remain true to some of the ideals he believed were essential to the proper functioning of American society.

Founded in 1892, the Portland Art Association (PAA) served as Oregon's and the Pacific Northwest's leading visual arts institution for almost a century. While the Association formally dissolved in 1984, its legacy is felt strongly today in the work of its successor organizations, the Portland Art Museum and Pacific Northwest College of Art. Emerging during a period of considerable innovation in and fervent advocacy for the arts across America, the Association provided the organizational network and resources around which an energetic and diverse group of city leaders, civic reformers and philanthropists, as well as artists and art educators, coalesced. This thesis describes the collaboration among arts and civic advocates under the banner of aesthetic education during the Association's first four decades. Though art education continued to be critically important to the organization after 1932, the year the Association opened its new Museum, art was no longer conceived of as an instrument for improving general community life and programs focused on more specialized, fine arts-related activities.

No description available.