The aim of this study is to examine the nature of the British approach to extradition with particular reference to the definition of political offences and the position of political refugees in extradition law and practice. The attention of policy-makers and public opinion was always mainly focused upon these two issues, and this study will therefore concentrate upon them. In abstract terms, the definition of political offences was found to be generally impossible, although attempts to define them generated much important and interesting discussion. In practice, some guidelines were laid down in individual cases, but they did not amount to a solution of the general question.Before 1870, fears that efficient extradition would necessarily endanger political refugees prevented Britain from establishing a system of extradition treaties, with the result that many common criminals escaped punishment. A shift in opinion took place, and it came to be accepted that efficient extradition and security for political refugees could co-exist, but even after 1870, efficient extradition was still hampered to an extent by statutory safeguards for the position of political refugees. Furthermore, on several occasions, amendments of the law that were desirable in the interests of the efficient administration of the law were abandoned on the grounds that they might endanger political refugees.Foreign states resented British devotion to protecting political refugees, both because it hampered efficient extradition and because they resented British protection of refugees who were considered a threat to the security of foreign regimes. There was considerable pressure from abroad, and from certain sections of opinion within Britain, for her to abandon, or at least modify, her traditional stance vis-a-vis political refugees within extradition law and practice, and more generally, but it remained largely unaltered throughout the period under discussion. Up to 1914, political refugees were better protected by Britain than by any other nation. Thereafter, things began to change, as the peculiar conditions which had made such a policy both desirable and possible gradually altered and eventually disappeared.

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The purpose of this thesis is to try to examine teacher education in certain Caribbean states through both field and documentary research and the use of case studies. The general history of the development of this sector in the Caribbean is broadly known, but only detailed local work can illuminate the general through the particular.But the aims of this study are not primarilly historical. Fundamental issues within the education and training of teachers are considered and the views of many practitioners and trainees have been gained. It is hoped that the stock of information has been enhanced and that others will care to examine some of the outcomes of the research.With these aims in mind, the structure plan of the thesis moves from the general examination of teacher education to a series of case studies, and back to comparative comment and recommendations for development. The core of the study is the succession of chapters on Grenada, Antigua and the U.S. Virgin Islands. There are many points of similarity and contrast to be gained from the comparative approach, and an attempt is made to carry through such an objective. Various factors are brought under scrutiny, in addition to the historical, for example: social, economic, geographical and political. The different colonial experiences also provide interesting points for consideration by way of explaining some of the features encountered.Having compiled and compared the idiosyncratic patterns of the three case studies, the writer attempts to bring the discussion back into the realm of educational theory and practice in a more universal sense.Numerous appendices are provided for reference, as indicated within the main text, and a selected bibliography concludes the thesis. This contains only the more significant published sources used by the writer and as a matter of policy does not repeat all of the references placed already at the end of the various chapters.Finally, it is hoped that this study will make a contribution not only to the field of teacher education in international perspective, but also to the emerging literature on the study of educational provision in small states.

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This thesis discusses the Church and State relationship in Kenya since 1963. It seeks to establish that the Church in Kenya has acted as a defender of its members and the citizens against the extremism of the State. It pays attention to the following four periods: the missionary era, Kenyatta era, first Nyayo era and the second Nyayo era. The work is divided into ten chapters and the conclusion. The introductory chapter sets the argument, outlines the main themes, describes the chronology of political events and focuses on the metamorphosis of the Church's involvement in politics. Chapter two focuses on the genesis of the Kenyan Christian Church and is intended to explain the nature of the Church and State cooperation at Independence. Chapter three discusses the Church and State relation during the Kenyatta period. The analysis here shows that both the Church and the State had developed a real model of cooperation and the two institutions were in a learning stage of attaining their true African identity. Chapter four assessesth e political reformation of the Kenyatta era by Moi, his successor, with the assistance of the Church through his Nyayo slogan. This period, known as the first Nyayo era, ends with consolidation of power on the presidency, after which the Church is seen reacting against the autocracy it helped to create. Chapters five, six, seven, eight and nine describe and analyse the reaction of the Church to the political upheavals of the second Nyayo era. While the first Nyayo era is seen as the consolidation of power on the presidency, the second Nyayo era is characterised by misuse of power by those in authority. Chapter five thus traces the broken cooperation between Church and State by the former's criticism of electoral amendments and the rigging of the 1988 general elections. Chapter six discusses some of the successes of the Church as a pressure group through the formation of the KANU Review Committee [KRC] to listen to people's political grievances. The Church's political involvement is evidenced by the launching of the programme of Education for Participatory Democracy [EPDP] by the NCCK. Chapter seven discusses the political crises created by the Government in resisting the wind of change on one side, and the Church, mainly the NCCK and other pressure groups, forcing in the change towards multiparty democracy. Chapter eight discusses the contribution of the Roman Catholic Church to political change. This separate discussion is made because the Catholics joined the NCCK churches in addressing political issues much later, but with a new and strong impact. We devote chapter nine to discuss the first multiparty general elections since Independence. The elections symbolised the democracy that the church leaders and other political dissidents had been fighting for, and the end of the Nyayo era. Chapter ten serves as a theological epilogue on the mission of the Church in Kenya. It discusses some of the features that enabled the Church to speak against the State's extremism. The conclusion summarizes the findings of the previous chapters, emphasising the inseparability of religion and politics in African life, centrality of the Christian Church in bringing about political change and in defending the people against political extremism, in particular through its testimony, its emerging theology and growing unity.

<p> After the United States entered World War II, the nation began a technical assistance program and a military aid program in Paraguay as part of its Latin American foreign policy. The U.S. rooted its technical assistance program in an idealized narrative of U.S. agricultural history, in which land-grant colleges and the agricultural reforms of the New Deal had contributed to prosperity and democracy. The extension of this American Way to other countries would strengthen prosperity, encourage democratic reforms, and prevent fascist and Communist subversion. The U.S. also extended military aid to Paraguay to draw Paraguay's military away from its fascist sympathies. Over the next twelve years, policymakers debated the relationship between technical assistance and military aid, their effects on Paraguay, and their compatibility with U.S. foreign policy. Initially, U.S. policymakers saw the programs as mutually reinforcing. By the mid-1950s, however, the promise of agrarian democracy remained unfulfilled in Paraguay.</p>

<p> This dissertation examines the role of the Federal Reserve System in the formation and conduct of American foreign relations between the Second World War and the Korean War. Specifically, it seeks to understand why Fed officials willingly subordinated monetary policy to the priorities of war finance during the former conflict, but actively fought for greater policy autonomy during the latter. Using a constructivist bureaucratic politics approach it examines how American central bankers understood the economic and political implications of both domestic and international policy developments. Drawing upon the perceived lessons of the interwar years, Fed officials believed that economic prosperity was a critical feature of a stable and peaceful international system. At the same time, however, they believed the situation was more complicated than a simplistic causal relationship whereby greater domestic growth resulted in greater international peace and prosperity. Instead, central bankers recognized that events in either the domestic or international political or economic arenas, if improperly handled, threatened to upset the delicate balance between prosperity and peace. The belief in these fundamental interconnections, while often not explicitly expressed, provided a coherent and logical guide to Fed policy, during the era, informing many of its internal debates and positions. This dissertation, therefore, represents the first attempt to understand the role of the American This dissertation examines the role of the Federal Reserve System in the formation and conduct of American foreign relations between the Second World War and the Korean War. Specifically, it seeks to understand why Fed officials willingly subordinated monetary policy to the priorities of war finance during the former conflict, but actively fought for greater policy autonomy during the latter. Using a constructivist bureaucratic politics approach to foreign policy analysis it examines how American central bankers understood the economic and political implications of both domestic and international policy developments. Drawing upon the perceived lessons of the interwar years, Fed officials believed that economic prosperity was a critical feature of a stable and peaceful international system. At the same time, however, they believed the situation was more complicated than a simplistic causal relationship whereby greater domestic growth resulted in greater international peace and prosperity. Instead, central bankers recognized that events in either the domestic or international political or economic arenas, if improperly handled, threatened to upset the delicate balance between prosperity and peace. The belief in these fundamental interconnections, while often not explicitly expressed, provided a coherent and logical guide to Fed policy, during the era, informing many of its internal debates and positions. This dissertation, therefore, represents the first attempt to understand the role of the American Federal Reserve System as an active participant in foreign policy-making, including its involvement in the 1944 Bretton Woods Conference, as well as discussions over the 1946 British Loan, and the Marshall Plan. Additionally, this study bridges the gap between domestic and foreign affairs, demonstrating the critical interrelationships between those two areas. </p>

There is a substantial amount of existing literature that focuses on the revolutionary events of 1989 in East-Central Europe. Yet, there are few comparisons which apply a comparative-historical approach to a small set of cases. A large body of existing literature provides the ideal situation for a comparative-historical study. This thesis will test the utility of applying a comparative-historical methodological approach to the events of 1989 in four countries in East-Central Europe. The four countries are paired into two cases. The case of Poland and Hungary is compared with the case of Bulgaria and Romania. A theoretical frame of reference is developed from previous comparative-historical studies of revolutionary events, criticisms of them, and the general theoretical debates which they generate. This frame of reference incorporates a broad range of variables, and is used to inform the application of the method. Differences (and similarities) between the cases are then investigated, and the utility of the method assessed. Additionally, the application of the method allows some current theoretical and conceptual debates concerning the East- Central European events to be confronted. Part 1 of the thesis applies a comparative-historical method of analysis to the cases up to, and including some aspects of the 1989 events. In Part 2, patterns of difference between the cases are identified in terms of revolutionary forms and outcomes. Following the logic of the method common factors are identified as potential contributing factors to the collapse of communism, while patterns of difference suggest that the political, economic and social 'nature' of the communist systems had an impact on the forms of change and their outcomes. It is recognised that the comparative-historical approach utilised in this thesis has limitations. However, the method is shown to be useful for identifying common factors across cases, and significant variations between cases, which can generate potential explanation, and provide better understanding of such revolutionary phenomena as that which occurred in East-Central Europe in 1989.