Submitted by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2015-05-11T18:22:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Sestelo, Andrea Luiza da Silva.pdf: 6342425 bytes, checksum: 61b5f240cac66b39cc1de080ea60f69b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2015-05-11T18:23:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Sestelo, Andrea Luiza da Silva.pdf: 6342425 bytes, checksum: 61b5f240cac66b39cc1de080ea60f69b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-11T18:23:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sestelo, Andrea Luiza da Silva.pdf: 6342425 bytes, checksum: 61b5f240cac66b39cc1de080ea60f69b (MD5) / Durante o Movimento da Reforma Sanitária brasileira (MRB) surgiu e fortaleceu-se o processo de democratização do Estado e da sociedade que fomentou a operacionalização de Políticas públicas e sociais garantindo o direito à saúde como meio para o surgimento de um projeto societário comprometido com uma real qualidade de vida para todos os cidadãos. Com a Constituição da República de 1988 e a Lei 8080/90 que concebeu o Sistema Único de Saúde(SUS), no qual a saúde passou a ser reconhecida como direito social cabendo ao poder público a obrigação de garanti-lo. Desta forma, foi instituído um novo padrão de Administração Política e Pública no país referendando o atendimento ambulatorial de especialidades, dentre estas a cardiologia, por via dos princípios descentralizadores do SUS propiciando a participação da comunidade através do controle social. Este estudo objetivou avaliar que fatores administrativos apresentados pela gestão e/ou gerência dificultam uma operacionalização plena do acesso dos usuários aos serviços de saúde do Ambulatório de Cardiologia do Complexo Hospitalar Universitário Prof. Edgard Santos (COM-HUPES), no período de 2012 a 2013. Representa uma pesquisa social com estudo analítico exploratório, com abordagem qualitativa, realizada na região de Salvador-BA, que expressa o modelo de gestão e gerência do COM-HUPES correlacionado ao processo de participação democrática dos usuários dos serviços de saúde pública. Os resultados deste trabalho apresentaram que mesmo com um modelo de gestão e gerência legalmente ancorado no SUS, a concepção operativa dos serviços sinalizaram que a democratização é emblemática, seja pelo não cumprimento da qualidade e do acesso aos serviços estabelecidos, seja pelo trabalho incipiente de informação e estímulo a participação do usuário. Com base nestes resultados foi elaborada uma agenda propositiva com ações que visam aprimorar a gestão e a gerência do atendimento ambulatorial e da participação democrática. Concluiu-se que há uma relação de descompasso entre gestão, gerência e usuários, no que tange ao acesso aos serviços de saúde pública, pela prática restrita do processo democrático. / During the Brazilian Movement for Healthcare Reform (MRB) the democratization process of the State and of the society that fomented the operationalization of public and social policies emerged and was strengthened, ensuring the right to health as a means for the emergence of a social project committed to a real quality of life for all citizens. With the Federal Constitution of 1988, the Law 8080/90 the Brazilian Unified Health System (SUS), whereby health began to be recognized as a social right and the public authorities being responsible for guaranteeing public health. In this manner, a new standard of Public and Political Administration was established in the country, attesting the outpatient clinic attendance in medical specialties, including cardiology, under the decentralizing principals of the SUS allowing the participation of the community through social control. The present study had the purpose of evaluating which administrative factors presented by management and/or administration hinder the full operationalization of access of the users to the cardiology outpatient health services of the University Hospital Center Prof. Edgard Santos (COM-HUPES), during 2012 and 2013. This represents a social analytical exploratory research, with a qualitative approach, performed in the region of Salvador-BA, which expresses the management and administration model of the COM-HUPES correlated to the democratic participation process of the users of the public health services. The results of this paper demonstrated that despite using the management and administration model legally anchored to the SUS, the operative conception of the services signal that democratization is emblematic, either due to the non-compliance with the quality and access to the established services, or to incipient information or stimuli towards the participation of the user. Based on these results, a proposed agenda was prepared with actions that aim towards improving management and administration of the outpatient clinics and democratic participation. It can be concluded that there is a mismatch between management, administration and users, in relation to access to public health services, due to the restricted practice of the democratic process.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T15:08:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2296231 bytes, checksum: 7f279e358650cfa90d937492d00cb9e7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present study aims to evaluate the Sports and Leisure Public Policies developed in the city of João Pessoa/Paraíba, through its legal budget. To accomplish this goal, it was designed the following research problem: considering sport and leisure as a constitutional right, what connections and relationships are established between the public policies of sport and leisure developed in the aforementioned city, in the aspects related to the legal budget, with the public policies at the federal and state level. From the methodological standpoint, the study takes a qualitative approach and uses of the method of explanatory and documentary research, for the analysis, we use the ―método de análise de conjuntura‖. We take as reference the historical and dialectical materialism as a theory of knowledge. To achieve the objectives of this research, we mapped out the legal budget related to sport and leisure of that city, the state and also at the federal level. We develop an analytical framework drawing on two significant landmarks for the politics and also for the sport and leisure in our country. They are: The enactment of the 1988 Federal Constitution and the election of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in 2002. To this end, the study started with the evaluation of the existent data and pointed to indicators for these regional policies for sport and leisure at the municipal and federal level, from the perspective of democratization and socialization of the sport and leisure. The path taken alongside the object of study, brought the following results: a) Public policies for sport and leisure at the municipal and federal level are guided by neo-liberals orientation which favor the interests of the logic of the market at the expense of human needs. Neglecting, thus, the sport and leisure to the poorest section of the population, that is, the children of the working class, b) Currently, the legal budget of the city does not present a consistent policy that effectively enables the democratization and socialization of this section, and that it raises the degree of development of sports and leisure culture of the population. There are missing elements to make a public policy in this perspective. The access that the poorest people have in this section is restricted and precarious; and c) However, there are proposals under consideration at ―Câmara Municipal‖ of João Pessoa, which, if approved and implemented, will enable a greater access to sport and leisure, and possibly help raising the standard for sports and culture of its population as well as to collaborate in the structuring of the Brazilian Sports System. For this, policies for sport and leisure in the city cannot be guided only by the possibility of the city to become one of the places for a mega sports event, in this case, FIFA s 2014 World Cup. They need to take into account the socio-historical determinations of Brazilian society and assume that sport is a part of humanity's cultural heritage, a social right supported by the constitution and one that should be present in the lives of all people. This requires the force of properly regulated public policy and this regulation should provide for benchmarks related to: finance, public spaces, projects and programs in all areas - education, participation and high performance. With guidance, planning, personnel and infrastructure that actually create viable and articulated policies around access to sport that universalize and democratize it. / O presente estudo se propõe avaliar as Políticas Públicas de Esporte e Lazer desenvolvidas no município de João Pessoa/Paraíba, através do seu ordenamento legal. Para dar conta desse objetivo, foi elaborado o seguinte problema de pesquisa: quais relações e nexos são estabelecidos entre as políticas públicas de esporte e lazer desenvolvidas no referido município, nos aspectos relativos ao ordenamento legal, com as políticas públicas destes setores a nível federal e estadual, considerando o esporte e o lazer como direito constitucionais? Do ponto de vista metodológico, tomamos como base a abordagem qualitativa e nos utilizamos do método de pesquisa documental e explicativa; para análise, nos valemos do método de análise de conjuntura. Assumimos como referência o materialismo histórico-dialético como teoria do conhecimento. Para a consecução dos objetivos desta pesquisa, realizamos um levantamento do ordenamento legal relacionado ao esporte e ao lazer do referido município, do estado e também a nível federal. Desenvolvemos um quadro analítico tomando como base dois significativos marcos históricos para a política e também para o esporte e o lazer no nosso país. São eles: a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988 e a eleição de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva no ano de 2002. Para tanto, partiu-se da avaliação dos dados da realidade e apontou indicadores para essas políticas setoriais de esporte e lazer em nível municipal e federal, na perspectiva da democratização e universalização do esporte e do lazer. O percurso trilhado junto ao objeto de estudo, fez chegar aos seguintes resultados: a) As políticas públicas de esporte e lazer a nível municipal e federal são pautadas por orientações neoliberais que privilegiam os interesses da lógica do mercado em detrimento das necessidades humanas, negligenciando, assim, o esporte e o lazer as camadas mais carentes da população, isto é, aos filhos da classe trabalhadora; b) Atualmente, o ordenamento legal do município não apresenta política pública consistente que possibilite efetivamente a democratização e universalização desse setor, e que elevem o grau de desenvolvimento da cultura esportiva e de lazer da população. Faltam elementos para compor uma política pública nessa perspectiva. O acesso que a população mais carente tem a esse setor é precário e restrito; e, c) Contudo, existem propostas tramitando na Câmara Municipal de João Pessoa que, se aprovadas e efetivadas, possibilitarão um maior acesso ao esporte e ao lazer, e possivelmente contribuirão para elevar o padrão esportivo e cultural da sua população, além de colaborar na estruturação do Sistema Brasileiro Esportivo. Para isso, as políticas para o esporte e lazer no município não podem ser pautadas apenas pela possibilidade da cidade se tornar subsede de um megaevento esportivo, a Copa do Mundo FIFA 2014. Elas precisam levar em consideração as determinações sócio-históricas da sociedade brasileira e assumir que o esporte é um patrimônio cultural da humanidade, um direito social, previsto na constituição, que deve se materializar na vida de todos. Para tanto é necessário o impulso das Políticas Públicas devidamente regulamentadas e esta regulamentação deve prever marcos referentes ao: financiamento; espaços públicos; projetos e programas em todas as manifestações educacional, de participação e alto rendimento. Com diretrizes, planejamentos, pessoal e infra-estrutura que realmente viabilizem políticas articuladas de acesso ao esporte para universalizá-lo e democratizá-lo.

Cette thèse porte dans une perspective sociohistorique et ethnographique sur le mouvement piquetero en Argentine et ses transformations successives durant les années 2000 en un vaste réseau d’organisation prestataires de services. Ce mouvement est né des actions collectives des chômeurs et travailleurs précaires à la fin des années 1990 contre les effets des réformes « néolibérales » et tient son nom de l’un de ses modes de protestation privilégié, le barrage de route ou piquete. Dès ses débuts, les piqueteros ont fait l’objet d’un double traitement de la part de l’État, entre répression et récupération dans le cadre de la mise en place de programmes de transferts conditionnés des ressources (Conditional Cash Transfer Programs). Dans cette nouvelle configuration de l’action publique ciblée, il s’agit désormais pour l’État de déléguer la distribution des aides sociales aux organisations, au regard de leur proximité territoriale avec les populations précarisées. Or, cette thèse montre que ce rôle flou de guichet, qui tend à introduire d’une manière ou d’une autre de la concurrence entre les organisations, a ainsi rapidement contribué à fragmenter l’espace piquetero, et produit des effets ambivalents sur les pratiques et les trajectoires des participants. La thèse s’appuie sur des méthodes mixtes, qualitatives et quantitatives, à partir d’une enquête de terrain menée pendant 40 mois, entre 2000 et 2015, dans deux provinces argentines. D’une part, à travers une ethnographie et des entretiens biographiques approfondis auprès des leaders, des délégués et des militants de la base (N=104), nous avons observé les interactions entre ces différentes catégories. Une prosopographie des leaders (N=76) nous a, d’autre part, permis à partir des méthodes statistiques de l’analyse factorielle (ACM) et de la classification (CAH) de rendre compte de la structuration de cet espace des organisations. Dans une première partie, la thèse s’attache – à l’appui d’archives et d’entretiens – à mettre en lumière les conditions de possibilité de la cristallisation progressive d’un mouvement social en un espace d’organisations. Nous avons cherché ici à appréhender le contexte, les enjeux et les moyens d’action de ce mouvement contestataire, en rapportant son inscription à l’évolution depuis le début du XXè siècle des rapports entre État, partis politiques et syndicats. La deuxième partie de la thèse est, elle, consacrée à l’analyse des pratiques militantes et des formes d’encadrement au sein des organisations. L’ouverture de la boîte noire des organisations révèle ainsi à quel point leur fonctionnement interne résulte de la capacité d’un ensemble d’intermédiaires à mener un travail de représentation, de mobilisation et de gestion des ressources vis-à-vis de certaines fractions des classes populaires particulièrement disposées à s’engager dans la durée. L’examen statistique des trajectoires de leaders nous renseigne par ailleurs sur les ressources nécessaires à l’occupation d’un tel poste et aussi sur ce que l’engagement fait aux parcours individuels. Enfin, une troisième partie a servi à appréhender les pratiques associatives au sein des organisations. Restituer les logiques de recrutement et les profils des recrutés a donné à voir dans la durée aussi bien les conditions de l’engagement de ces chômeurs et travailleurs précaires que les effets sur leurs trajectoires. L’observation des pratiques notamment lors des assemblées permet de montrer les principes d’encadrement tendus entre militantisme et entreprenariat qui pèsent sur les participants. Si cette fraction de précaires témoigne au sein des classes populaires de formes de mobilisation et de résistance particulièrement exemplaires, ils tendent également à déployer des modalités d’accommodement aux organisations, différenciées suivant leur socialisation et le volume et la nature de leurs ressources. / This thesis discusses the Piquetero movement in Argentina and its successive transformations during the 2000s into an extensive network of service provider organizations throughout the territory from a sociohistorical and ethnographic perspective. This movement was born out of the collective actions of the unemployed and precarious workers in the late 1990s against the effects of "neoliberal" reforms, and takes its name from one of their preferred modes of protest, the roadblock or picket. Since its beginnings, the Piquetero movement has been the subject of a double treatment by the State, between repression and recovery in the context of the establishment of Conditional Cash Transfer Programs. In this new configuration of targeted public action, it is now up to the State to delegate the distribution of social assistance to a network of organizations, given their territorial proximity to the underprivileged populations. However, this thesis shows that this fuzzy wicket role, which tends to introduce in one way or another the competition amid the organizations, has thus quickly contributed to fragment the piquetero space, and produces ambivalent effects on the practices and the trajectories of the participants. The thesis is based on mixed methods, qualitative and quantitative, from a large 40-month field survey conducted between 2000 and 2015 in two Argentinian provinces. On the one hand, through an ethnography and in-depth biographical interviews with leaders, delegates and grassroots activists (N=104), we observed the interactions between these different categories. A prosopography of the leaders (N=76) allowed us, on the other hand, from the statistical methods of factor analysis (ACM) and hierarchical classification (CAH), to report on the structuring of this space of organizations. In the first part, the thesis focuses – with the support of archives and interviews – on the conditions of the gradual crystallization of a social movement into a space of organizations. We sought here to understand the context, the stakes and the means of action of this protest movement, relating its inscription to the evolution since the beginning of the XXth century of the relations between State, political parties and unions. The second part of our thesis is devoted to the analysis of activist practices and forms of supervision within organizations. The opening of the black box of the organizations thus reveals to what extent their internal functioning results from the capacity of a set of intermediaries to carry out a work of representation, mobilization and management of resources among working classes particularly willing to engage in the long term. The statistical examination of the trajectories of leaders also informed us about the resources that were necessary to occupy such a position and also about the effects of their engagement to their individual trajectories. Finally, a third part serves to apprehend associative practices within organizations. Restoring the recruiting logics and the profiles of the recruits has shown in the long term both the conditions of the commitment of these unemployed and precarious workers and the effects on their trajectories. The observation of practices, especially during assemblies, shows the principles of supervision stretched between activism and entrepreneurship which weighed on the participants. If this fraction of precarious people testifies within the working classes of forms of mobilization and resistance particularly exemplary, they also tend to deploy modes of accommodation to organizations, differentiated according to their socialization, and the volume and nature of their resources.