The disenfranchisement of felons follows a long American tradition of selectively granting the most coveted democratic tradition - voting. As a collateral "civil" consequence to criminal conviction that is legally deemed as non-penal, felon voting prohibitions have been used as an exclusionary tool for certain otherwise eligible voting populations. Current research finds that African-Americans individually and collectively may experience diminished voting power due to felon voting laws (Uggen & Manza, 2002; Manza & Uggen, 2004; King & Mauer, 2004). The purpose of this research is to examine opinions toward felon voting prohibitions in a state that has one of the most restrictive laws in this area. Kentucky is the only state that absolutely restricts all convicted felons from voting and maintains the same voting rights restoration process regardless of offense type, whereas other similarly restrictive states have legally, though not practically, streamlined this process for some offenders. The sample consists of predominantly African-American college students that live and learn as students in Kentucky. It utilizes a modified version of the national survey instrument created by Manza, Brooks & Uggen (2004) - which measured attitudes toward felon enfranchisement based on variations of the correctional status of a convicted criminal and the crime committed by an individual. The data collection instrument was modified to include questions to examine respondent demographic characteristics and moderator variables that may impact opinions toward felon voting prohibitions. The analyses examine the interactions between socio-demographic characteristics, level of knowledge, attitudes towards rehabilitation, and opinions towards the restoration and retention of voting rights. The findings suggest that the majority of respondents favor restoration and retention, though subgroup differences among respondents and subcategory differences among the dependent variables, such as offense type and offender correctional status, determine the level and strength of support for felon voting rights. The implications of the findings are contextualized by examining the importance of voting in a democracy; the significance of examining the attitudes of young African-Americans; the impact of socialization on political opinions; and the effect of legal status and offense type on opinions towards felon voting rights.

Stereotypes continue to be present and impact the assessment of women’s leadership effectiveness. Using a data set of senior executives in the public sector from The Leadership Circle multi-rater assessment tool, research supports the theory that gender influences how bosses rate their direct reports on leadership effectiveness. Survey data identifying leadership characteristics in the assessment as communal or agentic substantiate role congruence theory that women are still penalized for behaving contrary to the feminine stereotype. Role congruence theory seeks to explain the barriers that prevent women from rising into leadership positions. Representative bureaucracy explains the consequence in public policy when women are not in the senior executive positions of authority.

ABSTRACT SCHOOL BOARD TAXING AUTHORITY IN VIRGINIA By Leon T. Johnson, Ph.D. A Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Policy and Administration at Virginia Commonwealth University. Virginia Commonwealth University, 2009 Dr. William C. Bosher, Jr. Distinguished Professor of Public Policy and Education The purpose of this study is to determine to what degree local government officials in Virginia support fiscal autonomy for locally elected School Boards in the state. Currently School Boards in Virginia do not have the ability to raise their own revenues and must depend on the local City Council or Board of Supervisors to appropriate school funding each year. Many more states in the nation allow local School Boards to raise their own revenues than not, and some would argue that Virginia’s system is an inferior form of local government having a negative effect on K-12 education in the state. Others would argue that Virginia’s current system works quite well and to give taxing authority to local School Boards would degrade the quality of K-12 education in the state. To set the national context for this question a comparative survey was done of all fifty state systems in the nation to learn the differences between state systems for funding K-12 education. Second, a survey was conducted of 1,782 Virginia public officials whose professional lives would be affected by a change to allow local School Boards to raise their own revenue. These officials were asked a variety of questions the answers to which tell us whether they view fiscal autonomy for School Boards as progress. Finally, statistical analyses are performed on the responses to the survey using the public officials’ positions and their region of the state as variables. Through this statistical analysis we are able to determine whether position or region of the state have a significant affect on answers to the survey questions.

The debate over police residency requirements dates to the advent of the modern police force in the early 19th Century. Many reasons have been put forth regarding these requirements, from effectiveness to availability to economic impact. On the other hand, opponents have argued that quality of life, employee retention, and applicant pool should be considered in the decision to have residency mandates. This study seeks to determine the effectiveness of resident police officers within the context of the Routine Activities Theory. In particular, it considered whether police officers are more capable guardians when they live in the jurisdictions where they work, specifically when using a marked take home police vehicle as a place keeper. Data was collected regarding police residency, Group A crime, Group B crime, and social disorganization in 25 apartment complexes in Chesterfield County, VA, during a six month period. It was found that police residency had a statistically significant and moderately strong negative effect on the rate of Group A crime and signs of social disorganization, as measured by police calls for service. Police residency showed a weak negative effect on Group B crime, but it was not statistically significant.

Most departments of education and school boards do not identify nor compile data reasons for public school abandonments. Public schools are anchors, vital components, and “heartbeats” of communities that contribute to the growth or decline of neighborhoods. Despite the influences that public schools have on the development and sustainability of neighborhoods, public school abandonments are increasing. School systems use abandonments to address challenges of poor academic achievements, decreasing budgets, declining enrollments, and deteriorating and underutilized facilities. However, absent from literature are comprehensive data and analyses that identify the number of public school abandonments, their locations, or the contributing factors for these abandonments. In this dissertation, I argue that this lack of information creates a critical gap to effective urban and school planning and neighborhood preservation. I confirm this gap and provide a foundation for future research. First, I analyze demographic data for ten of the nation’s most populous metropolitan areas. Second, I survey inner-city school district administrators to obtain primary data about school abandonments. I confirm through my data analyses that abandonments occur most often in poverty and minority concentrated inner-city neighborhoods. I conclude that the findings of my research support the need for comprehensive data and analyses specific to public school abandonments and the need for urban and school planners to evaluate and incorporate the analyses of these data in strategic neighborhood and school planning and development decisions, thereby, minimizing additional adverse impacts on communities that are already in social, economical, and physical distress.

African American Women's Health: An Examination of Resource Needs, Context, and Public Policy over the Life Course

This project used a content analysis methodology to determine the agenda-setting capacity of the media to influence child welfare legislation in a state legislature. With a foundation in agenda-setting theory, this study identifies how the coverage of child abuse and neglect in the print media impacts decision-makers to introduce legislation related to child abuse and neglect. Through a comparison of the issues covered in the newspaper with the issues receiving legislative attention, this study showed that media influence varies by topic, with some topics being more open to media affects than others. A second component of this study analyzed how child abuse and neglect is portrayed in four newspapers circulating across the state. With an emphasis on identifying the types of issues that receive media attention in Virginia, this qualitative study showed key themes and patterns prevalent in child welfare coverage. The media demonstrates an affinity for covering episodic, micro-level instances of abuse, and thematic, macro-level systemic issues. These findings show media focus is concentrated on extreme and unusual cases of abuse and those issues that will evoke shock and emotion from the reader.

The findings of this research indicate that volunteering is influenced by a number of factors, one of which is gender. The data used in this study reveal a different profile of the volunteer than is presented in much of the research on volunteering, which tends to profile the "most likely" volunteer as female, employed by the public sector, possessing a higher education and having children. The questions addressed in this research are: 1) What are the contextual effects of volunteering and 2) Is there a relationship of one or more of these effects to gender? The findings indicate men in this sample were not only more likely to volunteer, but were more likely to engage in volunteer activities that included political and civic roles. In addition, men were able to volunteer more hours as their family ties increased. The hours women volunteered were found to decrease as family ties increased. Women were less likely to volunteer for political and civic activities and more likely to volunteer for roles that included the care of children, elderly and family-oriented activities. These findings have implications for how volunteer activities contribute to the building of social and political resources for both men and women and bring to light how gendered definitions dominate patterns of civic engagement.

The September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks redefined the federal approach to disaster planning. Prior to 9/11, disaster and emergency management meant preparedness for and response to natural and man-made emergencies such as floods, hurricanes, fires, and civil discord. The post-9/11 paradigm shift, a multi-pronged approach called "homeland security" strategy, now incorporates a multitude of man- and nature-made disasters to include border and transportation security; emergency preparedness, response and recovery against chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear threats; as well as information analysis and infrastructure protection. These new priorities were communicated to the state and local governments. The purpose of this descriptive, cross-sectional study is two-fold: to analyze the post-9/11 federal homeland security (FHS) priorities' acceptance among the Virginia's local public emergency-management practitioners; and, explore the factors that explain the degree of adoption. The degree to which Virginia localities have adopted the FHS priorities is investigated through an opinion survey of Virginia's local practitioners. The survey is designed to shed light upon two key research questions: (1) Have the priorities of the new federal homeland security strategy been accepted as the local priorities? (2) Is population a factor whether or not the federal HS priorities were accepted? It is hypothesized that (1) localities have paralleled the federal government in expanding their approach to disaster management; and, that (2) larger localities (population greater than 50,000) have done so to a greater extent than the small ones (population up to 50,000). Each research hypothesis is tested through operationalization of five federal HS priorities. This study's survey instrument replicates California's August 2002 survey questionnaire, administered less than a year from the terrorist attacks. While California findings show local practitioner's acceptance of the federal priorities in general, crime and economic concerns reported to be the officials' top two concerns over the homeland security-related threats. This study also explores the probable theoretical explanation of the overall FHS priorities acceptance or lack thereof, by analyzing the two likely explanatory concepts: path dependence and bureaucratic management. It is hoped that operationalization of these explanatory models will facilitate the development of future surveys to allow for a greater understanding of local responses.The questionnaire was mailed to Virginia's all 141 local practitioners to collect their perceptions regarding the FHS strategy's five priorities: (1) homeland security as the primary mission for local emergency management; (2) increased level of HS-related planning and preparedness; (3) increased intergovernmental cooperation; (4) increased citizen participation; and, (5) increase in HS-related spending. The findings were used in evaluating: (a) the localities' acceptance of the federal priorities; and (b) localities' comparison based on the two populations groups: small (up to 50,000) and large (over 50,000). Because California's survey instrument was replicated to determine Virginia officials' perceptions, a comparison of Virginia and California officials' opinions was conducted to compare similarities and differences between the two states over a three-year gap. The overall findings of this study will help expand the existing knowledge concerning localities and homeland security. They will also help with policy decisions at state and local levels, particularly in matching homeland security needs with scarce federal resources. While the evolution of homeland security and emergency management policies before and after 9/11 suggest that path dependence and bureaucratic management played a critical role in persuading the localities to follow federal policies and guidelines, the survey questions do not directly answer why the new FHS priorities were accepted. Future researchers may benefit by modifying the existing survey instrument by adding a couple of questions to get at the "why" question more effectively. For example, practitioners may be asked the degree of their compliance to federal requirements.

The report, A Crucible Moment, published in 2012 by the National Task Force on Civic Learning and Democratic Engagement described a crisis in higher education surrounding the lack of civic learning and engagement opportunities for students. This crisis has led to decreased political participation and a general lack of knowledge in civics education (National Task Force on Civic Learning and Democratic Engagement, 2012). Educating students for citizenship in America’s colleges and universities will assist with sustaining the country’s democracy by engendering a sense of civic responsibility in young adults that will last throughout their lifetime. This qualitative case study examined the relationship between two institutions of higher education (IHEs) and AmeriCorps programs to determine how the partnerships operated and whether they addressed the recommendations for higher education cited in A Crucible Moment. IHEs are using A Crucible Moment as a guiding document to think about civic learning and democratic engagement. While many are in the process of creating new initiatives and programs to address those issues, this study focuses on two existing programs that may provide a framework for strategically integrating civic engagement into higher education using a readily available government resource—AmeriCorps. With recent budget cuts impacting education, it is difficult for many IHEs to obtain additional funding to support initiatives directly related to student learning. As a result, finding resources to implement civic learning and democratic engagement opportunities that are often perceived as tangential to the education process is nearly impossible. AmeriCorps, now in its 20th year of implementation, has had a steady stream of funding and bipartisan support from the government over the years. IHEs that sponsor an AmeriCorps program have the potential to civically engage students and promote mutually beneficial community partnerships. Using inteorganizational collaboration theory as a framework, I examined two different models of IHE-AmeriCorps partnerships. Based on the levels of collaboration, I was able to assess the degree to which these types of partnerships could be feasible at distinctly different IHEs given their organizational structure and resources. Although the findings of this research are not generalizable, they provide insights into how IHE-AmeriCorps partnerships operate and demonstrate that, in the cases examined, they do implement the key recommendations of A Crucible Moment. As a result, an IHE-AmeriCorps partnership could be an effective and relatively inexpensive way for an IHE to enhance their civic engagement opportunities.