Leading accounts of responsibility for structural injustice endorse the idea that all members of an unjust social structure—including those who are oppressed—bear a forward-looking responsibility to help combat structural injustice. Importantly, this idea assumes that all oppressed agents are capable of consciously combating structural injustice. But there exist oppressed agents, which I term 'denialists', who deny the existence of the wrongs that they and other members of their social group(s) experience in virtue of being subject to structural injustice. Initially, it seems doubtful that a denialist can consciously combat structural injustice—what could they possibly do to consciously combat wrongs whose existence they reject? This may lead one to think that a denialist cannot be held responsible for helping combat structural injustice, so that the aforementioned accounts must be revised. In this paper, I show that such revision is not needed. Despite initial appearances, a denialist can be held responsible for helping combat structural injustice. To establish this claim, I first argue that two criteria—feasibleness and plausible effectiveness—jointly generate pro tanto responsibilities to help fix structural injustice for oppressed agents. Then, I argue that these criteria entail that a denialist has a pro tanto responsibility to listen to others' claims of wrongdoing. / Master of Arts / Some oppressed people deny the existence of the wrongs that they and others like them experience in virtue of being oppressed. For instance, a woman might think it is ok for men to objectify women, and thus deny that a woman is wronged when she is sexually harassed. Call such oppressed people 'denialists'. Many philosophers hold that the oppressed are responsible for combating their oppression. One might think that a denialist cannot bear this responsibility. After all, how can a denialist combat wrongs whose existence they deny? I argue, however, that a denialist can be held responsible for combating their oppression. Specifically, I argue that a denialist is responsible for listening to other people when they talk about the wrongs they perceive.

Yes / In this conceptual paper we argue that, to date, principles of responsible management have not impacted practice as anticipated because of a disconnect between knowledge and practice. This disconnect means that an awareness of ethical concerns, by itself, does not help students take personal responsibility for their actions. We suggest that an abstract knowledge of principles has to be supplemented by an engaged understanding of the responsibility of managers and leaders to actively challenge irresponsible practices. We argue that a form of moral reflexive practice drawing on an understanding of threshold concepts is central to responsible management, and provides a gateway to transformative learning. Our conceptual argument leads to implications for management and professional education.

No / The idea of corporations exercising corporate social responsibility has spread from the West and is now firmly embedded in Asian countries and in Asian corporations. The latest trend in corporate social responsibility, evident also in Asia, is for corporations to apply corporate social responsibility to local communities and to those at the bottom of the social hierarchy. This book explores corporations’ social responsibility engagement with local communities in a range of Asian countries. It provides examples of corporate social responsibility in a wide range of industrial sectors, focuses extensively on "social enterprises" and on governments’ and corporations’ schemes to encourage them, considers how relations with employees and with local workforces fit into the pattern of corporate social responsibility, and discusses the question as to how far corporations engage with local communities as a way of developing new markets for their products.

Published Article / Although much work has been done on the society versus business relation issue, it has yet to cascade business social responsibility (BSR) to small ventures and especially rurally based ones where survival is a more pertinent goal. Most studies to date have focused on corporate and large organisations, thereby suggesting that BSR is not really a small business issue. A major consequence / cause of this apparent bias towards large business is limited research into how small ventures and especially rural ones perceive and apply BSR. This study proposes an instrument for measuring BSR in small ventures. Through empirical analysis the resultant instrument was found to be valid for measuring small business BSR and measured four dimensions thereof namely : Expected benefits; Community / customer practices; Realised / actual benefits, BSR awareness / attitude and employee practices. Through discriminant analysis, the identified factors of BSR are useful to classify ventures as high or low sales and profit performers, suggesting that information on a firm's BSR activities can be used as indicators of firm performance.

In his ethical treatises Aristotle offers a rich account of those conditions that render people’s behaviour involuntary, and defines voluntariness on the basis of the absence of these conditions. This dissertation has two aims. One is to offer an account of the significance of the notions of involuntariness and voluntariness for Aristotle’s ethical project that satisfactorily explains why he deems it necessary to discuss these notions in his Ethics. My own account of the significance of these notions for Aristotle’s Ethics emerges from my arguments against the two most influential views concerning this significance: I argue that Aristotle’s concern with voluntariness in his Ethics is not (primarily) shaped by a concern with accountability, i.e. with those conditions under which fully mature and healthy rational agents are held accountable or answerable for their actions; nor is it (primarily) shaped by a concern with the conditioning of pain-responsive agents for the sake of socially useful ends that are not, intrinsically, their own. Rather, his concern is with reason-responsive agents (which are not morally accountable agents, nor merely pain-responsive agents) and the conditions for attributing ethically significant behaviour to them. This is what I call ‘ethical ascription’. The second aim of this dissertation is to provide a comprehensive account of those conditions that defeat the ascription of ethically significant pieces of behaviour to reason-responsive agents, and to show the distinctiveness of Aristotle’s views on the nature of these conditions. The conclusions I arrive at in this respect are shaped by the notion of ethical ascription that I develop as a way of reaching the first aim.

published_or_final_version / abstract / Urban Planning and Environmental Management / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Chan Chi Yuen. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-265). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Acknowledgements --- p.i / Table of Contents --- p.iii / Abstract --- p.vii / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Politics of Political Accountability in Hong Kong 一 The Research Puzzle and Questions --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- "Research Puzzle: Different Conception of ""Political Accountability""?" --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions and Design --- p.4 / Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the Study --- p.6 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- The Concept of Accountability - the Normative and Theoretical Issues --- p.8 / Chapter 2.1 --- Accountability - Ideals and Actualities --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2 --- Why Political Accountability? The Ideal of Rendering Account --- p.10 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- The need of limited government --- p.10 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Concept of Accountability - a Kind of Political Control --- p.15 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- "Rendering Account - Information, Reason and Sanctions" --- p.16 / Chapter 2.3 --- Representation and Accountable Government: a Comparative Approach --- p.20 / Chapter 2.4 --- The Desirability of Accountability - the Tactful Balance --- p.25 / Chapter 2.5 --- The Limitation of Accountability - Informational Barrier --- p.34 / Chapter Chapter 3: --- The Concept of Accountability 一 the Organizational Issues --- p.37 / Chapter 3.1 --- Structural Components of Accountability --- p.37 / Chapter 3.2 --- The Formal Organizational Components of Democratic Accountability --- p.40 / Chapter 3.3 --- Vertical and Horizontal Accountability --- p.43 / Chapter 3.4 --- Typology of Accountability --- p.46 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- Classical dichotomy of political and administrative accountability --- p.46 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- Political Accountability ´ؤ Vertical Accountability Agents --- p.49 / Chapter 3.4.2.1 --- Elections/ Electoral sanctions --- p.51 / Chapter 3.4.2.2 --- Other Popular Mechanisms --- p.57 / Chapter 3.4.2.2.1 --- Pressure groups --- p.57 / Chapter 3.4.2.2.2 --- Mass media --- p.60 / Chapter 3.4.2.2.3 --- Political party --- p.62 / Chapter 3.4.3 --- Political Accountability - Horizontal Accountability Agents --- p.63 / Chapter 3.4.3.1 --- Accountability to Legislature --- p.63 / Chapter 3.4.3.2 --- Presidential and Parliamentary Visions --- p.63 / Chapter 3.4.3.3 --- Political accountability in British Ministerial System - the importance of Constitutional Conventions --- p.65 / Chapter 3.4.3.3.1 --- Individual responsibility --- p.68 / Chapter 3.4.3.3.2 --- Collective Responsibility --- p.69 / Chapter 3.4.3.3.3 --- "Parliamentary Questions, Debates and Standing Committee" --- p.71 / Chapter 3.4.4 --- Legal Accountability - Horizontal Accountability Agent --- p.74 / Chapter 3.5 --- The Impact of New Public Management --- p.76 / Chapter 3.6 --- Accountability in Today's Democratic Governance - a Convoluted Model --- p.82 / Chapter 3.7 --- The Relevance to Hong Kong --- p.84 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- The Principal Officials Accountability System - a Departure from the Colonial Legacy --- p.88 / Chapter 4.1 --- Pre-POAS political situation of Hong Kong --- p.89 / Chapter 4.2 --- The POAS Reform ´ؤ the Details and its Implications --- p.93 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- "Ministerization of Bureaucratic Governance, Politicization of Administrative Governance" --- p.94 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Preservation of Civil Service Neutrality --- p.97 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- Restructuring of the Executive Council --- p.99 / Chapter Chapter 5: --- Structural Deficit of the POAS --- p.102 / Chapter 5.1 --- The POAS: from Accountability Deficit to Structural Deficit --- p.103 / Chapter 5.2 --- Institutional logic of the POAS - Centralization of Policy-making Power --- p.103 / Chapter 5.3 --- Lack of vertical Sanctioning Mechanism --- p.105 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- Election of the CE --- p.105 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- Dual Accountability --- p.107 / Chapter 5.3.3 --- Appointment of the Principal Officials --- p.110 / Chapter 5.4 --- Horizontal Accountability and Lack of Constitutional Convention --- p.112 / Chapter 5.5 --- Risk of Politicization of the Civil Service --- p.117 / Chapter 5.6 --- Lack of Informational Accountability --- p.120 / Chapter 5.7 --- Conclusions --- p.123 / Chapter Chapter 6: --- Path Dependence and the Politics of Political Accountability in Hong Kong --- p.127 / Chapter 6.1 --- Historical Institutionalism and Social Constructivism - Reciprocal Relationship between Structure and Agency --- p.128 / Chapter 6.2 --- Endogenous Context for the POAS: Path of Hong Kong Politics --- p.130 / Chapter 6.3 --- POAS: Two Phases of Institutional Evolution --- p.134 / Chapter 6.3.1 --- Phase 1 - Birth of the POAS: Intra-elite Struggle for Dominance --- p.135 / Chapter 6.3.1.1 --- The Legacy of Bureaucratic Government --- p.135 / Chapter 6.3.1.2 --- The Internal Tension: “Presidential´ح Leadership vs Meritocracy --- p.137 / Chapter 6.3.1.3 --- The Erosion of Performance Legitimacy of the Civil Service --- p.139 / Chapter 6.3.1.4 --- The POAS: Reassertion of Executive Dominance --- p.140 / Chapter 6.3.2 --- Phase 2 - Vicissitude under the POAS: Societal Struggle for Norms of Accountability --- p.141 / Chapter 6.3.2.1 --- "The Nature of “Political Responsibility""" --- p.142 / Chapter 6.3.2.2 --- The Lack of Institutional Guidance in Hong Kong --- p.145 / Chapter 6.3.2.3 --- The Structural Divide of Mass and Elitist Politics --- p.146 / Chapter 6.3.2.4 --- The Societal Tension: Efficiency vs Populist Vision of Accountability --- p.148 / Chapter 6.4 --- Illustration: 3 Political Incidents --- p.150 / Chapter 6.4.1 --- Penny Stocks Incident: the Debate on the Extent of Vicarious Responsibility --- p.150 / Chapter 6.4.1.1 --- The Incident/ --- p.150 / Chapter 6.4.1.2 --- Vicarious Responsibility --- p.152 / Chapter 6.4.1.3 --- The Cleavage in the Legislature --- p.154 / Chapter 6.4.1.4 --- Inquiry Panel and the Report --- p.158 / Chapter 6.4.2 --- Car Buying Scandal: the Fight on the Severity of Personal Misconduct --- p.162 / Chapter 6.4.2.1 --- The Incident --- p.163 / Chapter 6.4.2.2 --- The Turning Point --- p.169 / Chapter 6.4.2.3 --- Vote of No-confidence --- p.172 / Chapter 6.4.3 --- Sloppy Handling of SARS: the Delineation of Political and Administrative Responsibility between Principal Officials and Civil Servants --- p.174 / Chapter 6.4.3.1 --- The Incident --- p.174 / Chapter 6.4.3.2 --- Administrative and Political Blunders --- p.176 / Chapter 6.4.3.3 --- Post-SARS quest for Accountability before the July 1 Demonstration --- p.180 / Chapter 6.5 --- Conclusions --- p.186 / Chapter Chapter 7: --- Reconstruction of Conception: Interviews with Political Elites --- p.190 / Chapter 7.1 --- The Importance of Political Conception --- p.190 / Chapter 7.2 --- Methodological Issues of Elite Interview as a Research Method --- p.194 / Chapter 7.3 --- The Interviews --- p.202 / Chapter 7.4 --- POAS and the Conception of Political Accountability --- p.206 / Chapter 7.4.1 --- Defining Political Responsibility --- p.206 / Chapter 7.4.2 --- Accountability Mechanism --- p.209 / Chapter 7.4.3 --- Conflicts of Representation --- p.215 / Chapter 7.4.4 --- Criteria of Assessment --- p.221 / Chapter 7.5 --- Conclusions --- p.225 / Chapter Chapter 8: --- "Conclusions: Accountability System without Substance, Spirit and Opportunity to Maturate" --- p.227 / Chapter 8.1 --- """Accountability without Democracy""? Or Something More?" --- p.227 / Chapter 8.2 --- Politics of Political Accountability - the Wider Context --- p.228 / Chapter 8.3 --- The POAS: Accountability System without Substance and Spirit --- p.231 / Chapter 8.4 --- Politics of Accountability 一 Accountability System without the Opportunity to Maturate --- p.234 / Reference --- p.239

Parental responsibility and its exercise The aim of my final thesis is to analyze parental responsibility and its exercise in the Czech rule of law by the Czech's principle. These thesis contain chapters about historical trends of family law, children rights and development of mutual law and duties of parents and children from the past to present. Some space is also devoted for government interference into parental responsibility. The reason why I chose the theme of parental responsibility for my final thesis is its current status which can be involved for everyone. Final thesis is divided into seven chapters. First chapter contains two parts. The first part is describing family law and explaining its position in a general law and its subject and principle. Second part is about family concept, protection, historical evolution and current situation. The second chapter is connected with legal children's status. It contains five parts. The first part is focused on children's rights, second part is describing a historical origin of the right. The third part is devoted to detail description of children's rights which are included in the Convention of Children's rights. The forth part is dealing with children's duties and fifth part is enlarged children as a juristic person. The third chapter is named...

No description available.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Southern California, 2007. / Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-05, page: 2120. Adviser: Jennifer Floto. Includes bibliographical references.