The Gulf War showed the world how powerful the modern military forces are, and it caused the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) led by U.S. government. Due to the advance of technology, RMA is a chain reaction of changes, on the doctrines, training, organizing and operational methods. Both PLA and its traditional strategic thought of ¡¨People War¡¨ are not able to keep out of impacts brought by RMA, to against High Tech War in the future. Thus, PLA brings this slogan¡¨ RMA with Chinese Characteristics¡¨ in, and devotes itself into military reform, in order to reach the goal of¡¨ Winning High Tech Local War¡¨. PLA hopes to accelerate its step for constructing military information platform, and, at the same time, to reinforce army mechanization. In the end, PLA wants to be as strong as U.S. troops in the year of 2050. In the age of Chinese Reform, Chinese economy is growing incredibly fast, and this economic power turns and pours into its military budget, for constructing modern army forces and transforming military structure. It is obvious to observe, especially taking Chinese Navy¡¦s strategy which changed from¡¨ coastal defense¡¨ to¡¨ offshore defense¡¨ and the pinpoint¡¨ consolidating naval and air supremacy and executing strategic counter attack¡¨ in China¡¦s White Paper on National Defense for two examples, China is seeking to expand its naval capability and to realize its plan for modernization, in order to reach the goal of 2050. PLA Navy (PLAN) understands that there is a huge gap between Chinese Navy and U.S. Navy, however, but they believe that they can make it up through RMA. This essay discusses the influence on modernization for PLAN from 4 aspects, which are: technology and weapon, regime, operational theory, and training, and also analysis relations between PLAN¡¦s modernization and cross-strait security.

This study argues that Francisco I. Madero, a Spiritist and the thirty-third President of Mexico, understood his political action as the earthly component of spiritual struggle. In Madero's correspondence, "spirit writings," and pseudonymous Spiritist publications, we find a prescriptive Spiritist vision, in which democracy represents a triumph of human's "higher nature" over the "base, selfish passions" of Porfirio Díaz and his regime. This prescriptive vision is both characteristic of Kardecist Spiritism, the transnational metaphysical movement influential in the Americas since the mid-nineteenth century, and the outward expression of an inner struggle, in which self-discipline, charity, and hard work are thought to calm one's "animal passions," and in so doing attract "higher spirits" that aid in spiritual development. While reserved in the public presentation of his religiosity, the documentary evidence suggests that for Madero, the democratic struggle had "transcendental" significance. Analyzing his published work alongside his personal and political biography in the period between 1900-1911, this study briefly considers this prescriptive Spiritist vision and the ways it inflected Madero's political action and accommodated changing political circumstance. / text

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Man denkt sich in der Zeit der digitalen Revolution die Bibliotheken als besonders betroffen von den technischen und kulturellen Umwälzungen, die das Internet mit sich bringt. Das ist richtig. Schon sind fast alle Kataloge online und damit weltweit auskunftsfähig. Bald sind auch große Teile der Bestände unserer Buchkultur digital erreichbar. Was erwartet uns im Jahr 2020? Lösen sich Bibliotheken in Webseiten auf? Wird alles Wissen, zu dem sie Zugang gewähren, nur noch elektronisch kommuniziert? Wenn wir genau wüssten, worin die Attraktivität von Bibliotheken heute liegt, fiele der Blick in die Zukunft leicht.

This thesis examines the role of the prophetic chronotope as a form of alternate, circular time in Baron Ludwig von Reizenstein’s gothic romance, The Mysteries of New Orleans. As the novel’s temporal structure seemingly contains the professed slave revolution through a manipulation of a linear prophetic sequence into circular time, Reizenstein simultaneously portrays a sexual revolution within the closed temporal system; however, as he localizes the sexual revolution in the “real time” of the reader through the inclusion of extra-textual artifacts, the novel’s closed system of alternate, circular time sustains a fissure, loosing all revolutionary potential, slave and sexual, into the reader’s temporality. Reizenstein compares sexual slavery, social restrictions on sexual expression, to chattel slavery, but recognizes it as endemic form of bondage affecting every race; therefore, Reizenstein uses chattel slavery as a ubiquitous circumstance in the U.S. South to identify other covert forms of slavery. In the end, the slave and sexual revolutions become the same conflict, and the restoration of beauty becomes its primary aim.

Louis-Antoine Léon de Saint-Just (1767-1794) was a revolutionary, a statesman, and a political philosopher, yet it is largely only as a revolutionary that he is remembered. As a political person who occupied these three different but overlapping roles, Saint-Just is ideal as the subject and center of a study of actualization, the taking of political ideals into reality. Saint-Just’s political philosophy was that of an idealist, and yet he, by force of circumstance, ability, and audacity, had the opportunity in his short life to attempt to establish and put into practice his political ideals. In his work as a political person Saint-Just created templates for the understanding of the relationship between political theory and political action. Saint-Just’s political theory is examined in relation to his political action, using the concepts of ‘the natural’, ‘the civil’, ‘the social’ and ‘the political’, concepts which are central in Saint-Just’s political philosophy. Saint-Just’s formulations of these concepts, concepts which have also been central to the history of political philosophy, and his understanding of the relations between these concepts, helps to establish him as a political philosopher of some importance, as does the theory and practice approach to politics which his attempts demanded and which his political life demonstrated. In Saint-Just’s function as political philosopher the thesis finds the theoretical element of politics, which becomes redefined in its interaction with Saint-Just’s other functions as statesman and revolutionary, the latter two of which correspond roughly to practice and exigency. As a theorist who is also a statesman in a context of exigency, or revolution, Saint-Just’s political life is a constantly rearranged juxtaposition of theory, practice, and revolution, albeit one which never loses it essential ties to its philosophical base, even in the hours of greatest emergency. Such dedication to a philosophical base, one which refuses to dispense with political philosophy, demonstrates a new conception of political philosophy for the modern world, fills in elements of a theory of revolution as a phenomenon of both theory and action, and provides a contained case for examination of political philosophy and political action, questioning their disunity.

The Algerian war of 1954 to 1962 is generally acknowledged to have been the apogee of France's uniquely traumatic retreat from overseas empire. Yet, despite the war's rapid establishment as the focus for a vast body of literature in the broadest sense, the experience of those years is only now beginning to be acknowledged by the French nation in anything like a balanced way. The present study seeks to contribute to the continuing elucidation of this historical failure of assimilation by considering the specific role played by prose fiction in contemporary and subsequent perceptions of the relevant events. Previous research into this aspect of the Franco-Algerian relationship has tended either to approach it as a minor element in a larger conceptual whole or to attach insufficient importance to its fundamentally political nature. This thesis is conceived as an analysis of the images of the Algerian war communicated in a representative sample of French literature produced both during and after the conflict itself. The method adopted is an ideological one, with particular attention being given in each of the seven constituent chapters to the selected texts' depiction of one of the principal parties to the conflict, together with their attendant political mythologies. This reading is primarily informed by the Barthesian model of semiosis, which is drawn upon to explain the linguistic foundations of the systematic literary obfuscation of this period of colonial history. By analysing points of ideological tension in the fictional imaging of the war, we are able to identify and to evaluate examples of both artistic mystification and demystifying art. It is argued in conclusion that the former category of narrative has never ceased to predominate, thus enabling French public opinion to continue to avoid its ultimate responsibility for the war and its conduct.

Univ., Diss.--Paderborn, 1999. / Literaturverz. S. 198 - 225.

Univ., Diss.--Bielefeld, 1999. / Literaturverz. S. 389 - 410.

Techn. Univ., Diss.--Berlin, 1999.