This thesis discusses the life and works of the Mexican novelist Mariano Azuela, who lived and wrote during the time of the Mexican Revolution.

Miguel Alemán, who in 1946 became the first civilian president to represent Mexico's official revolutionary party, ushered into national office a new generation of university-educated professional politicians. Nicknamed the "cachorros (puppies) of the revolution," these leaders were dismissed as slick college boys by their opponents. Despite this objection, the rise to power of this new cadre represented a major turning point in the nation's political history. The prior ruling generation, composed of military officers who had faced calamitous violence during the Revolution, had carried out a decades-long social program that sought to address social-economic inequalities, redistribute resources, and draw previously marginalized groups into a politically, culturally, and ethnically unified nation. The members of the Alemán administration, by contrast, dedicated federal resources to promoting industrial development by implementing protectionist measures and constructing massive public works. Powerful hydroelectric dams and expansive irrigation networks supported large-scale commercial agriculture, while ambitious urban projects, including modernist housing complexes, planned suburbs, and the sprawling University City, symbolized the government's middle-class orientation. Despite these advances, their program came with high social costs: suspended redistributive policies and suppressed political liberties led many to accuse them of abandoning the legacy of social revolution they had inherited, an accusation bolstered by rampant corruption. While their policies fomented impressive economic growth over the next three decades, their focus on urban industry ultimately contributed to a debt crisis and a capital city overburdened by rapid inward migration. This controversial policy agenda and ambivalent legacy reflected their collective social formation. Their experiences as politically active students and as career politicians inculcated a sense of pragmatism that set them apart from their military predecessors. Once in office, Alemán and his colleagues exploited the geopolitical circumstances of the early Cold War period to solicit foreign loans as well as private investment, especially from the United States. These leaders fashioned a new image of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Carlos Denegri, a journalist during the Alemán years, captured the essence of this transformation best: "The Revolution," he lamented, "has gotten off its horse and into a Cadillac."

My dissertation, Perspectives of the Mexican Revolution from the exile: the disillusionment of the intellectuals in Mexican-American narratives (1926-1935), studies the migration from Mexico to the United States during the Mexican Revolution of 1910 and the literary production of the Mexican intellectuals in exile who build a transnational imaginary of national identity and interpretations of nationalism. I argue that the transnational experience of the Mexican Revolution influences the political discourse that questions the integration of the immigrant community in the reconstruction project of post-revolutionary Mexico, as reflected in the novels Las aventuras de don Chipote (1928) by Daniel Venegas, El sol de Texas (1926) by Conrado Espinoza and La patria perdida (1935) by Teodoro Torres. My work on these authors and their texts, all of them understudied and written in Spanish, focuses on the study of the parallels between the literary production during the Revolution in Mexico and also in the United States, pointing at a decisive moment where the transnational impact of the Revolution influences the incorporation of the immigrant and peasant community as citizens of Mexico or the United States. My dissertation consists of an introduction and four chapters. In the introduction, I present the theoretical framework that analyzes the literary production in both Mexico and the United States during this time period. Chapter 1 presents a historical context that explains the inevitable impact of the Mexican Revolution on the U.S.-Mexico border. Chapter 2 shows the perspective of Daniel Venegas in Las aventuras de don Chipote (1928) which presents a protest against the abuse of the immigrant communities and questions the success of the immigrant in the United States. Chapter 3 presents the perspective of Conrado Espinoza in El sol de Texas (1926) portraying the idea that the national imaginary can only be constructed in the nation and not in exile. Chapter 4 presents the perspective of Teodoro Torres in La patria perdida (1935) where the idea of the repatriation project is contested, and citizenship in the United States is favored. The dissertation intends to study two contrasting perspectives on the immigrant communities and their role in the reconstruction of post-revolutionary Mexico or in the booming U.S. economy. / text

This dissertation analyzes the creation of national parks in Mexico between 1934 and 1940 as a program of national unity and federal resource control on the heels of revolutionary upheaval. In radical new ways, national park formation marked a complementary relationship between revolutionary social change and the environment. The creation, administration, and defense of these parks symbolized larger processes reordering how regulatory legitimacy came about and what factors shaped policy implementation. The parks, mostly within one or two hours of Mexico City, protected temperate forests but overlapped with longstanding communities. While some scientists critiqued peasant forest use techniques, the inclusive politics of the revolutionary government and the vibrant opinions of residents prevented their eviction from these national spaces. By articulating visions of their patrimony and zealously debating their rights to national territory, peasants, scientists, industrialists, and bureaucrats transformed revolutionary reforms into conspicuous environmental policy. This purposeful inclusion allowed citizens to forge national identity with explicit attention to the natural world.To demonstrate the assertion that social change had an environmental component, I use four case studies of Lagunas de Zempoala, La Malinche, Popocatepetl and Iztacci­huatl, and Tepozteco National Parks. These examples demonstrate the similarities and differences among the parks and their particular social, political, economic, and cultural implications. Tourists to Zempoala, communal property holders in Malinche, resin collectors on Popo and Izta, and activists in Tepozteco remind us that environmental issues pervaded the life stories of thousands of people. Parks were not whimsical oases for wealthy urbanites--they became tangible representations of how revolutionaries nationalized their natural territory. Revolutionaries planned their agenda for change based on the endowments of nature, they envisioned overcoming differences through the wealth of their surroundings, and they configured a revolutionary state to oversee that process.My study engages Mexican historians who have failed to consider the environment as a crucial factor in the construction of the new regime and revises world histories that underestimated conservation efforts in lesser developed countries. Rather than a story of environmental declension, it provides fresh insight into the everyday working relationships among communities, governments, and their resources.

In the decades following the Revolution, government officials and industrialists attempted to strike a balance between preserving a unique national identity and asserting Mexico's place in global affairs as a competitive, modern nation. Veneration of the aviators' bravery and technological mastery cut across political and cultural boundaries, setting standards for the model citizen of a modern world. The symbolic figure of the pilot proved an adept vessel for disseminating the values championed by the country's ruling party. Aviators validated the technological determinism that underpinned the government's development philosophy to domestic audiences, while projecting an image of strength abroad. This study explores the spectacle of aviation in cultural events including film, airshows, goodwill flights, and state-sponsored funerals, connecting the history of aviation to often-conflicting discourses of Revolutionary nationalism and modern cosmopolitanism that were espoused by both national and regional elites.

Este trabalho propõe uma análise da viagem do artista francês Antonin Artaud ao México no ano de 1936. Por meio das correspondências e dos textos de Artaud produzidos neste país, pretende-se problematizar a sua concepção sobre a Revolução Mexicana e sobre os seus desdobramentos políticos e culturais durante os anos 1930, as suas ideias sobre as culturas indígenas e a sua relação com a realidade artística-intelectual mexicana. Parte-se da premissa de que o olhar de Artaud para o México foi formado por um ambiente intelectual e artístico marcado pelo Surrealismo, por um sentimento de crise da civilização europeia e por uma busca por formas de vida mais integradas entre o homem, a natureza e a arte. Artaud chega ao México em fevereiro de 1936 e permanece no país durante oito meses. Segundo suas próprias palavras, fora em busca do que ele denominaria de esoterismo mexicano o único que se apóia ainda sobre o sangue e a magnificência de uma terra cuja magia só os imitadores fanatizados da Europa podem ignorar. Durante a estadia, antes de ir à terra dos Tarahumaras, proferiu conferências na Escola Nacional Preparatória e escreveu artigos em jornais mexicanos a respeito do teatro europeu, do teatro mexicano, do movimento surrealista francês, das suas expectativas com relação à cultura indígena mexicana e da sua busca existencial como artista. No entanto, a sua visita ao México se dá justamente no período pós-revolucionário, durante o polêmico e marcante governo de Lázaro Cárdenas, no qual há uma radicalização da querela entre os artistas denominados universalistas e aqueles conhecidos como nacionalistas. Os primeiros, ao defenderem uma arte moderna e universal, preconizavam a arte europeia como matriz aspecto que Artaud repudiava e os segundos, ao afirmarem uma arte nacional, pura, utilizavam-se da cultura indígena como elemento unificador da nação, mas sem o respeito pela magia e pelo esoterismo indígena que Artaud tanto pregava. Daí as hipóteses para a falta de repercussão sobre o artista francês durante a sua permanência no país. Artaud também projetou sobre o México percepções que ele nutria a respeito do teatro. Idealizador do chamado Teatro da Crueldade, Artaud reconheceu no ritual do peyote praticado pelos índios tarahumaras no México uma vivência que se aproximava do seu projeto teatral / This work proposes an analysis about the Mexico trip realized by the French artist Antonin Artaud in 1936. With Artauds correspondences and texts written in this country, it intends to discuss his conception about Mexican revolution and its political and cultural results during the 1930s years, his ideas about the Indian cultures and his relation with the Mexican artistic intellectual reality. We have the premise that Artauds look to México was formed by an intellectual and artistic surrounding marked for the Surrealism, by an European civilizations crisis feeling and by a search for lifes forms more integrated between man, nature and arts. Artaud arrived in México in February of 1936 and stayed in the country during eight months. With his own words, he was searching for what he called by Mexican esoterism the only one that still rest on the blood and the magnificent of a land whose magic only the fanatics imitators from Europe can ignore. During his permanence, before going to Tarahumaras land, Artaud was the speaker for conferences in the National Preparatory School and wrote articles for the Mexican newspapers about the European theatre, the Mexican theatre, the French surrealist movement and his Mexican Indian culture expectation. He also wrote about his own experience about his existential search as an artist. However, his Mexico visit had been done in the post-revolutionary period, during the polemic and notorious Lázaro Cárdenas government, when there was a radicalization of the debate between the artists known as universalists and other as nationalists. The first ones, when defended a modern and universal art, commended the European art as matrix aspect repudiated by Artaud and the second ones, when asseverated a national art, pure, had utilized the Indian culture like nations unifier element, but without the respect for the magic and for the Indian esoterism that Artaud always had been preached. These aspects could integrate the hypothesis that explains the lack of repercussion about the French artist during his stay in the country. Artaud also projected in Mexico the perceptions that he created about the theatre. The artist was the idealizer of the Cruelty Theatre, and he recognized in the Peyotes ceremony practiced by the Tarahumaras Indians in Mexico an environment close to his theatrical project

This study argues that Francisco I. Madero, a Spiritist and the thirty-third President of Mexico, understood his political action as the earthly component of spiritual struggle. In Madero's correspondence, "spirit writings," and pseudonymous Spiritist publications, we find a prescriptive Spiritist vision, in which democracy represents a triumph of human's "higher nature" over the "base, selfish passions" of Porfirio Díaz and his regime. This prescriptive vision is both characteristic of Kardecist Spiritism, the transnational metaphysical movement influential in the Americas since the mid-nineteenth century, and the outward expression of an inner struggle, in which self-discipline, charity, and hard work are thought to calm one's "animal passions," and in so doing attract "higher spirits" that aid in spiritual development. While reserved in the public presentation of his religiosity, the documentary evidence suggests that for Madero, the democratic struggle had "transcendental" significance. Analyzing his published work alongside his personal and political biography in the period between 1900-1911, this study briefly considers this prescriptive Spiritist vision and the ways it inflected Madero's political action and accommodated changing political circumstance. / text

This paper explores the art of Olga Costa and María Izquierdo. The history of the Mexican revolution is outlined and then presented again with a focus on women’s issues and involvement. Next is a discussion of national identity construction after the revolution, with attention paid to the role of the “Big Three,” muralists Diego Rivera, Jose Clemente Orozco, and David Siqueiros. While scholars often credit male artists for their involvement in this process, the contributions of female artists tend to be overlooked. Although the work of female artists is often portrayed as limited to their personal experiences, this thesis argues that women’s work subverted hegemonic narratives and images that homogenized Mexican national identity building, and thus reveal valuable perspectives on post-revolutionary Mexican society. Specific topics explored include subversions of representations of female beauty, challenging of the role of women in Mexican society and patriarchies in general, and the creative use of symbols in order to avoid objectifying women while representing themes pertaining to Mexico. This thesis engages with scholarly works that perpetuate traditional readings of Costa and Izquierdo’s work as primarily autobiographical and limited in scope as well as more progressive critiques that recognize the social significance of these artists. A variety of paintings are analyzed in detail, including Costa and Izquierdo’s portraits of nude and clothed women, Izquierdo’s series of allegorical pieces and still lifes, and Costa’s masterpiece “La Vendedora.” This thesis is written in Spanish.

Immigration is a topic that has experienced an evolution of social importance across centuries. While the United States has welcomed individuals seeking lives of promise and opportunity, its neighboring border with Mexico has also encouraged significant migration into the United States Therefore, immigration into Texas was not a new and unusual development. However, the flood of Mexican citizens trying to escape the regime of Porfirio Diaz was noteworthy and left San Antonio residents struggling to accept their new neighbors. The purpose of this dissertation is to study a historically Mexican middle class neighborhood in San Antonio, in order to identify factors that made it possible for some residents to experience socioeconomic prosperity while others were less successful. I believe that positive socioeconomic success resulted from two important factors: high levels of human and social capital and the synergistic interactions of sociopolitical elements. I begin by presenting an overview of the shared turbulent history between Mexico and the United States, the rise and fall of President Porfirio Diaz, and the role that the Mexican Revolution played in San Antonio's 1910 immigration flux. Since this research focuses on the Mexican middle class, I explore the literature pertaining to racial/ethnic definitions, the middle class, and human/social capital, as well as the relevance of each concept within the context of my research question. This research utilizes comparative/historical, qualitative, and quantitative methodologies. I present a quantitative analysis of Prospect Hill's residents, particularly those of an anomalous nature. Of the cases identified, I discuss the case of Romulo Munguia, a native-born Mexican who presented as the third anomalous Mexican resident. Munguia moved to the U.S. in 1926 and established himself as a successful, middle class printer who became heavily involved with San Antonio's Mexican community. Ultimately, Munguia's success indicates a dependency on two specific factors. First, he possessed considerable human and social capital that afforded him social, economic, and political advantages. Secondly, he settled into a community that desperately needed his skills and expertise. Munguia's case supports the hypothesis that immigrant prosperity requires both human/social capital and specific synergistic interactions to achieve success.

Esta dissertação trata das transformações ocorridas na cultura política mexicana do final do século XIX até o início do XX, enfocando o acervo imagético de um dos principais ilustradores mexicanos, José Guadalupe Posada. Está inserida na Linha de Pesquisa Política e Cultura do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da UERJ. Os procedimentos teórico-metodológicos nortearam-se pelos aportes da História Cultural e as fontes documentais, em sua maioria ilustrações, foram pesquisadas em arquivos públicos digitais e bibliotecas. O ilustrador viveu entre 1852 e 1913 e foi considerado um dos responsáveis pelo fortalecimento da arte gráfica na América Latina, além de se destacar como um dos intelectuais mais expressivos de sua época e testemunha ocular dos acontecimentos que levaram à Revolução Mexicana. Através daquelas ilustrações analisamos o contexto histórico do México ao longo do governo de Porfírio Díaz. Foram destacadas as culturas políticas que nortearam o percurso do país, a primeira entre a metade e o fim do século XIX, a outra na primeira década do século XX. As obras de José Guadalupe Posada são uma das mais ricas fontes históricas sobre o período e contribuíram para a disseminação de ideias e valores políticos que circularam no México durante o Porfiriato. / This dissertation presents the transformations in Mexican political culture of the late 19th century to the early 20th century, aiming to focus on the imagery collection of one of the greatest Mexican illustrators: José Guadalupe Posada. The theoretical-methodological procedures were guided up by the contributions of cultural history and documentary sources, mostly illustrations, which were found in digital public archives and libraries. The illustrator lived in Mexico between 1852 and 1913, being considered one of the responsible artists for the strengthening of the graphic arts in Latin America, besides standing out as one of the most important intellectuals of his time and eyewitness of the events that led to the Mexican Revolution. Through the illustrations, it was possible to analyze the historical context of Mexico over the government of Porfirio Díaz. Furthermore, the political cultures that guided the country's path were highlighted: the first, between the half and the end of the 19th century and the other, in the first decade of the 20th century. The works of José Guadalupe Posada are one of the richest historical sources about the period, which have contributed to the spread of ideas and political values in Mexico, during the Porfiriato.