Different forms of racial segregation have been practiced in different countries the world over. However, the nature of South Africa‟s apartheid system, as it was practiced from 1948 until the dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994, has been a subject of debate in South Africa and even beyond. Apartheid was a policy that was designed by the then ruling Nationalist Party for purposes of dividing and stratifying South Africa along racial lines - whites, blacks, coloureds and Asians. It thus promoted racial segregation and/or unequal stratification of society. In South Africa‟s hierarchy of apartheid, blacks, who constituted the majority of the population, were ironically the most destitute and segregated. Some historians believe that South Africa‟s racial policy was designed against the backdrop of Jim Crow, a similar system of racial discrimination which was instituted in the American South late in the 1890s through the 20th century. Jim Crow and apartheid are, in this study, considered as sides of the same coin; hence for the sake of convenience, the word apartheid is used to subsume Jim Crow. Although South Africa‟s apartheid system was influenced by different ideologies, for example German missiology as applied by the Dutch Reformed Church, historian Hermann Giliomee (2003: 373) insists that „the segregationist practice of the American South was particularly influential.‟ Given the ideological relationship between apartheid and Jim Crow, the present study investigates the interplay of compatibility between apartheid/Jim Crow and crime and violence as reflected in selected works of Richard Wright (African American novelist) and Athol Fugard (South African playwright). The aim of the study is firstly, to examine the works in order to analyse them as responses to apartheid and by extension colonial domination and secondly to investigate crime and violence. The three criminological theories selected for this study are strain theory (by Robert Merton), subculture theory (Edwin Sutherland) and labelling theory (Howard Becker). While criminological theory provides an empirical dimension to the study, postcolonial theory situates the study within a specified space, which is the postcolonial context. The postcolonial is, however understood, not as a demarcated historical space, but as a continuum, from the dawn of colonization to the unforeseeable future. Three postcolonial theorists have been identified for the purposes of this study. These are: Frantz Fanon, Homi Bhabha and Bill Ashcroft. Fanon‟s psychoanalysis of the colonized, Homi Bhabha‟s Third Space and hybridity as well as Ashcroft‟s postcolonial transformation are key concepts in understanding the different ways in which the colonized deal with the consequences of colonization. It has been suggested particularly in Edward Said‟s Orientalism (1978) that the discourse of orientalism creates the Oriental, as if Orientals were a passive object of the colonial adventure. This study uses Bhabha‟s and Ashcroft‟s theory of colonial discourse to argue that the colonized are not only objects of the colonial enterprise but also active participants in the process of opening survival spaces for self-realization. The various criminal activities that the colonized engage in (as represented in the selected works of Richard Wright and Athol Fugard) are in this study viewed as ways of inscribing their subjectivity within an exclusive colonial system.

The present study related generational status, family dynamics, and perceptions of racial discrimination (PRD) to acute psychiatric outcomes among a nationally representative Asian American sample (N = 2095), using data from the National Latino and Asian American Study (NLAAS). High self-reports of PRD were correlated with endorsement of clinical depression and suicidality as predicted. Regression analyses suggested that high PRD, low family cohesion, and high family conflict served as significant predictors of poor mental health independently, but moderator hypotheses predicting the interaction of these factors were not supported. Clinical and research implications are provided.

No description available.

The problem of this study involved the identification of white student teacher racial attitudes relative to blacks and whether these attitudes changed during the course of student teaching. The purpose of the study was to determine the nature of these racial attitudes, to determine if these attitudes were influenced by the experience of student teaching or the racial environment in which student teaching was accomplished, and, in light of the findings of the study, either to reinforce the manner in which racial attitudes are treated in traditional teacher preparation programs or suggest new directions in the curriculum that might lead to more realistic and desirable teacher attitudes. In light of the above findings, the following conclusions seem warranted: 1. The contact thesis of racial attitude change is confirmed. However, among experimental group subjects, the nature of the contact achieved was incongruous with what research has found to be most conducive to positive attitude change. 2. Racial attitudes are so deeply and emotionally embedded that attitude change, if it is to be accomplished, should be treated as a priority item, and any programmed attempt to alter racial prejudice should be comprehensive in design.

Many explanations for why students leave engineering programs fail to look more closely at unique help-seeking cultural norms of first-generation (“first-gen”) students that tend to conflict with help-seeking cultural norms of undergraduate engineering programs. “First-gen” in this study applies to students with neither parent nor guardian holding a four-year bachelor’s degree, while “continuing-gen” applies to continuing-generation students with at least one parent holding a bachelor’s degree. Although statistical odds are stacked against many first-gens, some of these individuals persevere through rigorous engineering programs using effective help-seeking strategies. This mixed methods study explores what patterns in help-seeking beliefs and behaviors may be specific to Black first-gen undergraduates relative to other first-gen and continuing-gen peers. This study also seeks to understand the help-seeking experiences of Black first-gen engineering undergraduates that contribute to the observed pattern differences among demographics. Additionally, this study aims to understand how successful help-seeking strategies and experiences of Black first-gens allow them to persevere in engineering. Likert scale questionnaire responses revealed that the Black first-gens in this study were less comfortable seeking academic help from faculty relative to other first-gen and continuing-gen peers. Qualitative interviews revealed that a primary reason for this discomfort stemmed from faculty behaviors that discouraged help-seeking attempts such as making demeaning comments, singling out Black students in class, impatience during office hours, no regard for class comprehension, and a lack of personal connection. The Black first-gens in this study managed to persevere in engineering by turning to religious faith and community for support, having fictive kin relationships with personable faculty, and adopting a mix of independent and interdependent norms within their study groups. These findings help inform institutions about improving the help-seeking experiences of Black first-gen engineering undergraduates. Additionally, this research provides useful guidance to other Black first-gen students about effective help-seeking strategies in engineering.

In this dissertation, I developed and validated the workplace racial microaggressions scale for Asians and Asian Americans, WRMS-AAA. This new scale measured the frequency of general and stereotype-based microaggressions that Asians experience in the workplace. General microaggressions are subtle forms of discrimination that could pertain to other minority groups, whereas stereotype-based microaggressions are subtle forms of discrimination that are based on stereotypes of Asians. In Phase 1, items were generated based on extant literature. These items were refined based on the feedback provided by subject matter experts who rated these items on relevancy, clarity, and provided other open-ended feedback. In phases 2 through 5, 351 participants completed a battery of measures including the WRMS-AAA and other measures to assess convergent, discriminant, and concurrent validity. These participants were then randomly split into two sample groups. In phase 2, an exploratory factor analysis using data from sample one (n = 180) revealed a four-factor structure for the WRMS-AAA. Two of these factors were general microaggressions, mistaken identity and not recognized, and the other two factors were stereotype-based microaggressions, ascription of math competency and submissiveness and lacking communication skills. In phase 3, using data from sample 2 (n=171) a confirmatory factor analysis provided further support for the four-factor structure. Both samples provided good internal consistency. In phase 4, the two samples were combined to examine the convergent and discriminant validity of the WRMS-AAA. The WRMS-AAA was highly related to the Workplace Incivility Scale (Cortina et al., 2013) and the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (Nadal, 2011), providing support for convergent validity. There was little to no correlation between the WRMS-AAA and social desirability, and there was a weak positive correlation between the WRMS-AAA and neuroticism, providing support for discriminant validity. In phase 5, the WRMS-AAA was correlated with organizational outcomes. The WRMS-AAA was negatively correlated with organizational support, commitment, and job satisfaction. Additionally, the WRMS-AAA was positively correlated with intention to quit and burnout. These correlations provided evidence of concurrent validity, further establishing the validity of the WRMS-AAA. Subtle forms of discrimination are different from explicit discrimination, in that they can be elusive. The WRMS-AAA is one of the only known scales to measure the general and specific subtle forms of discrimination in the workplace. Results and implications of this research are discussed.

Exposure to hate, racism, discrimination, and microaggressions is prevalent on college campuses, and such exposure also occurs beyond the context of the college campus, whether involving police violence against Blacks, in particular, as well as Hispanics. Also, the COVID-19 pandemic year of 2020 saw a rise in hate and violence toward Asians. The present study aimed to identify the significant predictors of a high prevalence of experiences of microaggressions for Black, Latinx, and Asian students enrolled in college during the pandemic whether at the undergraduate or graduate level in the United States (U.S.). A total of 341 participants (mean age=26.62, female=40.6%, Black/Latinx=54.5%, Asian=45.5%, U.S. born=66.9%, ever attended Historically Black Colleges or Universities/Hispanic Serving Institutions (HBCU/HSI)=52.2%) participated online, having been recruited via a social media campaign and asked to complete the I EXPERIENCED HATE Survey. Independent t-tests indicated that U.S. born respondents experienced significantly more microaggressions (mean=1.91, SD=.843) than non-U.S. born (mean=1.62, SD=1.016; t=-2.595, df=190.5, p=0.01), and those who ever attended an HBCU/HSI experienced significantly more microaggressions (mean=1.97, SD=0.705) compared to those who never attended HBCU/HSI (mean=1.65, SD=1.073; t=-3.247, df=275.8, p=0.001). Pearson’s correlations showed that a higher level of experiencing microaggressions was significantly correlated with lower rating of college climate (r=-.185, p=.001), higher stage of change for coping and responding to racism and oppression (r=.182, p=.001), higher or more frequent experiences of hate (r=.397, p=.000), and higher stressful and traumatic impact of hate (r=.325, p=.000). Backwards stepwise regression analysis indicated that the significant predictors for a high prevalence of experiences of microaggressions were ever attending an HBCU/HSI (b=.447, SE=.109, p = .000), more experiences of hate (b=.360, SE=.059, p=.000), and more stressful and traumatic impact from hate (b=.131, SE=.052, p=.013). However, the final model explained 26.3% of the variance (adjusted R2=.263). This suggests that future studies should identify additional independent variables for inclusion. The present study findings supported the initial anticipated findings that Black, Latinx, and Asian students who had more frequent hate experiences and had more and higher negative stressful/traumatic impact from hate experiences would significantly predict the high prevalence of experiences of microaggressions. Implications of findings are discussed.

There is a rationale for investigating the impact of racism and discrimination on adolescents and young adults in the United States. Racist or discriminatory experiences within educational settings, as well as in their communities, place Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) students in a precarious position. This study examined potential factors related to high frequency of exposure to school-based racial and ethnic microaggressions, including: teacher cultural competence, school disciplinary structures, everyday discrimination, the race-related stress potentially associated with these experiences for BIPOC adolescents and young people, as well as mental health impacts. Through an online social media campaign, Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) ages 18-25 were surveyed (N = 287), recalling experiences in high school and society with racism, microaggressions, and discrimination. The study sought to identify predictors of school-based racial and ethnic microaggressions. While controlling for social desirability, findings showed how having experienced a higher frequency of school-based racial and ethnic microaggressions while in high school was significantly predicted by various factors, such as: (1) older age; (2) darker skin; (3) lower education; (4) less teacher cultural competence; (5) more discrimination; (6) less fair discipline; (7) greater race-related stress; (8) better mental health during the past year; and (9) higher drop-out rates or consideration of dropping out due to racism. Additionally, participants experienced moderate levels of depression, anxiety, and trauma in the past year due to race. The study provides future researchers with a set of measures for examining what BIPOC students endure in school settings, along with the frequency and impact of such encounters with racism, microaggressions, and discrimination. This research is especially useful for the fields of counseling and education, given implications for meeting the needs of BIPOC adolescents while they are in high school, in order to address their experiences with racism, microaggressions, and discrimination—and to prevent drop-out from high school. The needs of BIPOC young adults also need to be addressed, given evidence of an impact for young adults beyond their high school years from school-based racial and ethnic microaggressions—which are compounded by exposure to societal-wide racism, microaggressions, and discrimination.

Despite being governed by several laws aimed at preventing racial inequality in access to housing and credit resources, the mortgage lending market remains a contributor to racial and place-based disparities in homeownership rates, wealth, and access to high-quality community resources. Scholarship has identified persistent disparities in mortgage loan approval rates and subprime lending between white borrowers and those from other racial and ethnic groups, and between white neighborhoods and neighborhoods with high levels of non-white residents. Against this backdrop, the mortgage lending industry is undergoing rapid, technology-driven changes in risk assessment and application processing. Traditional borrower risk-assessment methods including face-to-face discussions between lenders and applicants and the prominent use of FICO credit scores have been replaced or supplemented by automated decision-making tools at a new generation of institutions known as fintech lenders. Little is known about the relationship between lenders using these new tools and the racial and spatial disparities that have long defined the wider mortgage market. Given the well-documented history of discrimination in lending along with findings of technology-driven racial inequality in other economic sectors, fintech lending’s potential for racial discrimination warrants increased scrutiny. This dissertation compares the lending outcomes of traditional and fintech mortgage lenders in the United States depending on applicant and neighborhood racial characteristics. Using data from the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act, an original dataset classifying lenders as fintech or traditional, and an array of complimentary administrative data sources, it provides an assessment of the salience of race and place in the rates at which mortgage loans from each lender type are approved and assigned subprime terms. Results from a series of regression-based quantitative analyses suggest fintech mortgage lenders, like traditional mortgage lenders, approve and deny loans and distribute subprime credit at disparate rates to white borrowers and neighborhoods relative to nonwhite borrowers and neighborhoods. Findings suggest that policymakers and regulators must increase their oversight of fintech lenders, ensuring that further advances in lending technology do not concretize longstanding racial and spatial disparities.

Police use of deadly force is an understudied yet deeply important issue in our society. Recent years have seen a dramatic increase in public concern over use of deadly force, particularly when that force is used against people of color. Due to the relative low frequency of deadly force incidents, little is known about when such force is used, or who it is used on. Recent studies have found a racial disparity between white and black subjects of deadly force, with black subjects significantly over represented as a proportion of the population. This study further expands our understanding of police use of deadly force, specifically the situational context of its use against white and black subjects. We use 100 random cases from the Washington Post Fatal Force data set and conduct a content analysis on this sample to identify data on multiple possible situational factors. This exploratory study found several important differences between situations involving a white or black subject of a deadly police shooting. Black subjects are on average seven years younger than white subjects. Black subjects are statistically more likely to be killed following contact initiated by an officer, such as a traffic or pedestrian stop. White subjects are more likely to be killed following contact initiated by dispatchers or courts, such as a call for service or when serving a warrant. Differences were also found related to the reasons for contact, the location of the incident, and the forms of resistance from the subject. This study provides validation to claims that police use deadly force differently between black and white subjects, and implicates police officer training and discretion in the racial disparity of use of deadly force.