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A t~esis submitted to the Fa~~~ln:of Arts~ Universit~,of t\c W,itwat~rsrana; !n partial fulfilt..nent oof the requn;ements fi,or a, Master' of Arts degree In . , ..... " Developnlental Sociology. I:, (I NOVEMBER 1996 / No abstract.

While the transition to democracy in South Africa extended civil and political rights and freedoms to all South Africans, there has been disagreement over the preferred nature and scope of social rights within post-apartheid society, reflecting debates over the trajectory of economic policy. Appreciable developmental gains have been made by the state over the last quarter-century, yet the challenges of poverty, unemployment and inequality persist, coupled with mounting popular discontent with the pace of transformation and political accountability. This has led to fundamental questions about social justice, restitution, and the kind of society we wish to promote. Appeals for a more inclusive, transformative social policy have also emerged, arguing that a wider vision of society is required involving multiple government responsibilities and informed by an ethic of equality and social solidarity. Against this background, in this thesis I study the views of the South African public towards economic inequality, general preferences for government-led redistribution, as well as support for social policies intended to promote racial and economic transformation. The research has been guided by several overarching questions: To what extent do South Africans share common general beliefs about material inequality? Does the public exhibit a preference for government redistribution in principle? And how unified or polarised are South Africans in their support for specific redress policies in the country? Responding to these questions has been achieved by drawing on unique, nationally representative data from the South African Social Attitudes Survey (SASAS), which has enabled me to chart social attitudes over a period of almost fifteen years between late 2003 and early 2017. Use has also been made of social citizenship as a guiding conceptual framework to understanding social policy predispositions and analysing attitudinal change. The results demonstrate that the public is united in its awareness of and deep concern about economic inequality. Since the early 2000s, a significant majority has consistently expressed the view that the income gap in the country is too large, articulated a strong preference for a more equitable social structure, and acknowledged the class and social tensions that economic inequality has produced. There is also a preference for a narrowing of earnings disparities, a more generous minimum wage, and regulatory limits on executive pay. While this suggests a desire for fair and legitimate remuneration, the analysis also reveals that South Africans are willing to tolerate fairly high levels of inequality. Nonetheless, these beliefs are generally interpreted as a desire for a more equitable and fair society. This preference for change is reflected in a fairly strong belief that government should assume responsibility for reducing material disparities. One’s social position, mobility history, awareness of inequality, political leaning and racial attitudes all have a bearing on how weak and strong this predisposition is, but the normative demand for political redistribution remains fairly widely shared irrespective of these individual traits. Greater polarisation is however evident with respect to redistributive social policy, especially measures designed to overcome historical racial injustice (affirmative action, sports quotas, and land reform). These intergroup differences converge considerably when referring to class-based policy measures. One surprising finding is the evidence that South Africa’s youngest generation, the so-called ‘Born Frees’, tend to adopt a similar predisposition to redress policy as older generations, thus confounding expectations of a post-apartheid value change. I conclude by arguing that there seems to be a firmer basis for a social compact about preferences for interventions designed to produce a more just society than is typically assumed. Intractably high levels of economic inequality during the country’s first quarter-century of democracy is resulting in a growing recognition of the need for a stronger policy emphasis on economic inequality in South Africa over coming decades if the vision enshrined in the Freedom Charter and the Constitution is to be realised. South Africans may not be able to fully agree about the specific elements that constitute a socially just response to economic inequality. Yet, the common identification of and concern with redressable injustice, coupled with a broad-based commitment to government redistribution and classbased social policies, could serve as a foundation on which to rekindle the solidaristic spirit of 1994 and forge progress towards a more equitable society.

Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the MAGISTER EDUCATIONIS in the Faculty of Education at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology 2014 / The apartheid system caused severe pain, injustice and financial loss to the majority of South African people. To redress the aftereffects of racial discrimination in the workplace, the Employment Equity Act (EEA) of 1998 was established. While there is some research on the challenges of implementing the EEA legislation in universities, there is a paucity of research on the difficulties faced by Further Education and Training (FET) Colleges. The purpose of this research project was to investigate the extent to which the EEA has been implemented in public FET Colleges located in the Western Cape Province, with the specific objective of identifying possible barriers to the implementation of the EEA in these Colleges. The research question was: What types of challenges1, or barriers (if any), exist in the implementation of the EEA in public FET Colleges in the Western Cape? This study is informed by critical social theory. The design of research in this study is both qualitative and quantitative. Data were collected from Deputy Chief Executive Officers (Corporate Services), Human Resources Managers and Campus Heads from each of the four Colleges. Semi-structured, open-ended interviews and documentary analysis were used. Data were analysed quantitatively and qualitatively. Four of the six FET Colleges in the Western Cape Province were selected on the basis of their geographical location and the diversity of their personnel. Results revealed that in public FET Colleges in the Western Cape, white males and coloured females dominate top management positions. Data further showed that the Indian group is the least represented at both top and bottom levels of these FET Colleges. Although white females are fewer than their coloured female counterparts in top positions, they are nonetheless more than double the number of their black female counterparts. These results have serious implications for implementation of EEA legislation in general, and in the Western Cape specifically.

This research is situated within the context of the post-apartheid era in South Africa, which includes the dominant ideologies and policies that have shaped the urban landscape of the past and present. It investigates the extent and patterns of integration that exist twenty years after the country’s political transition and it uses Grahamstown, a small education and cultural centre in the Eastern Cape Province, as its case study. The investigation incorporates the traditional geographical focus of residential and educational integration, using conventional means of investigation such as segregation indices, dissimilarity indices, percentages and maps. However, in identifying the broader nature of ‘segregation’ and ‘integration’, the study moves beyond these foci and approaches. It adopts the timegeographical framework to reveal the dynamic use of urban space that reflects the lived space of selected individuals from the community of Grahamstown: the extent and patterns of their behavioural integration or spatial linkages. Together, these approaches reveal that Grahamstown is still a city divided by race and, now, class. Schools and residential areas remain tied to the apartheid divisions of race and the white community exists almost entirely within the bounds of apartheid’s blueprint of urban space. Rhodes University, which is located within Grahamstown, has experienced admirable levels of integration within the student body and within the staff as a whole, but not within the staff’s different levels. In essence, where integration has occurred it has been unidirectional with the black community moving into the spaces and institutions formerly reserved for whites. The limited behavioural integration or spatial linkages are shown to be tied to city structure and, within the white group, to perceptions of ‘otherness’ held by the individuals interviewed. While the study shows limited differences in the time-spatial movements between members of different races who are resident in the former white group area, it highlights the differences between those more permanently resident in the city and the temporary educational migrants or students. The study argues that the slow pace of change is related to the nature of South Africa’s democratic transition and its attending political and economic policies.

Different forms of racial segregation have been practiced in different countries the world over. However, the nature of South Africa‟s apartheid system, as it was practiced from 1948 until the dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994, has been a subject of debate in South Africa and even beyond. Apartheid was a policy that was designed by the then ruling Nationalist Party for purposes of dividing and stratifying South Africa along racial lines - whites, blacks, coloureds and Asians. It thus promoted racial segregation and/or unequal stratification of society. In South Africa‟s hierarchy of apartheid, blacks, who constituted the majority of the population, were ironically the most destitute and segregated. Some historians believe that South Africa‟s racial policy was designed against the backdrop of Jim Crow, a similar system of racial discrimination which was instituted in the American South late in the 1890s through the 20th century. Jim Crow and apartheid are, in this study, considered as sides of the same coin; hence for the sake of convenience, the word apartheid is used to subsume Jim Crow. Although South Africa‟s apartheid system was influenced by different ideologies, for example German missiology as applied by the Dutch Reformed Church, historian Hermann Giliomee (2003: 373) insists that „the segregationist practice of the American South was particularly influential.‟ Given the ideological relationship between apartheid and Jim Crow, the present study investigates the interplay of compatibility between apartheid/Jim Crow and crime and violence as reflected in selected works of Richard Wright (African American novelist) and Athol Fugard (South African playwright). The aim of the study is firstly, to examine the works in order to analyse them as responses to apartheid and by extension colonial domination and secondly to investigate crime and violence. The three criminological theories selected for this study are strain theory (by Robert Merton), subculture theory (Edwin Sutherland) and labelling theory (Howard Becker). While criminological theory provides an empirical dimension to the study, postcolonial theory situates the study within a specified space, which is the postcolonial context. The postcolonial is, however understood, not as a demarcated historical space, but as a continuum, from the dawn of colonization to the unforeseeable future. Three postcolonial theorists have been identified for the purposes of this study. These are: Frantz Fanon, Homi Bhabha and Bill Ashcroft. Fanon‟s psychoanalysis of the colonized, Homi Bhabha‟s Third Space and hybridity as well as Ashcroft‟s postcolonial transformation are key concepts in understanding the different ways in which the colonized deal with the consequences of colonization. It has been suggested particularly in Edward Said‟s Orientalism (1978) that the discourse of orientalism creates the Oriental, as if Orientals were a passive object of the colonial adventure. This study uses Bhabha‟s and Ashcroft‟s theory of colonial discourse to argue that the colonized are not only objects of the colonial enterprise but also active participants in the process of opening survival spaces for self-realization. The various criminal activities that the colonized engage in (as represented in the selected works of Richard Wright and Athol Fugard) are in this study viewed as ways of inscribing their subjectivity within an exclusive colonial system.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the end of Apartheid, many scholars of South Africa celebrated democratisation and offered optimism for the end of racial segregation. Racial segregation, however, still exists in South Africa and in Stellenbosch each residential place is divided along skin colour lines. Such a pattern is far from the position of optimism and seems to suggest that race continues to manifest itself materially through space in Post-Apartheid South Africa, even if such segregation is not imposed by Apartheid laws. This thesis describes how different individuals, especially foreigners, enter historically designated racial areas - ‘African’, ‘Coloured’, ‘White’ – and are ‘interpellated’ into particular racial categories. It aims to grasp the process of abstraction at work when the attempt is made to construct foreigners in these racial categories, and how these individuals come to perceive South Africa. The study suggests that at the points in which the interpellation of race fails are precisely the moments in which we see the possibility for the formation of a truly post-Apartheid Subjectivity. The thesis is cognisant of the particularity of place: focusing on Stellenbosch in the Western Cape necessarily involves engaging specificities of the historical construction of race that mark place in the present, especially in this province. Whilst the discovery of gold in the former Transvaal drove the exploitation of African mine workers and was important in the formation of race there, in the Western Cape the importance economically of the slave and later free labour of Coloured farm workers is important in grasping racial formations in Stellenbosch. At the same time, however, I present the case of an unemployed South African women who is unable to live in any areas previously designated by race, and through her tale, suggest that relationships between race and labour might be being undone, even as this undoing is fraught and not producing subjects who can feel comfortable in democracy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Opsomming Sedert die einde van Apartheid is demokratisering in akademiese kringe geprys en is die einde van rasse-segregasie met optimisme begroet. Rasse-segregasie leef egter steeds voort in Suid-Afrika en in Stellenbosch is elke residensiële area volgens velkleur verdeel. Hierdie verskynsel is alles behalwe ’n bron van optimisme en blyk aan te toon dat ras voortgaan om ditself op materiële wyse deur ruimte in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika te manifesteer, selfs in die afwesigheid van segregasie deur Apartheid-wetgewing. Hierdie tesis ondersoek hoe verskillende individue, veral buitelanders, histories-gedefinieerde rasse-areas – ‘swart’, ‘bruin’ en ‘blank’ – binnegaan en ‘geïnterpelleer’ word in spesifieke rassekategorieë. Dit poog om die proses van abstraksie te verstaan waardeur buitelanders in rassekategorieë gekonstrueer word, en hoe hierdie individue Suid-Afrika beskou. Dié studie voer aan dat die plekke waar die interpellasie van ras misluk, die presiese momente is waar die moontlikheid vir die formasie van ’n ware post-Apartheid subjektiwiteit waargeneem kan word. Hierdie studie is bewus van die spesifisiteit van plek: om te fokus op Stellenbosch in die Wes-Kaap vereis noodwendig dat daar ook aandag geskenk sal word aan die spesifisiteit van die historiese konstruksie van ras wat plek in die hede onderlê, veral in dié spesifieke provinsie. Terwyl die ontdekking van goud in die voormalige Transvaal die uitbuiting van swart mynwerkers gedryf het en belangrik was vir die vorming van ras daar, is die ekonomiese belangrikheid van slawe en later vry arbeid van bruin plaaswerkers in die Wes-Kaap belangrik om die formasie van ras in Stellenbosch te verstaan. Op dieselfde tyd bied ek die geval aan van ’n werklose Suid-Afrikaanse vrou vir wie dit nie meer moontlik is om in enige histories-gedefinieerde ras-spesifieke area te bly nie, en wie se verhaal suggereer dat verhoudings tussen ras en arbeid dalk besig is om te ontbind, selfs al is hierdie proses vervaard en nie besig om subjekte te produseer wat gemaklik onder ’n demokratiese bestel kan voel nie.

Thesis (PhD (Education Policy Studies))--University of Stellenbosch / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation explores the lack of racial integration in public schools in South Africa. The main argument of this study defends a deliberative conception of racial integration that builds on previous, more limited, conceptions such as assimilation, integration, multicultural education and antiracist education. In this work I further narrate my story in relation to encounters with issues of race, thereby contextualising the topic. I argue that philosophy of education can be used as a tool to explore and illuminate the educational dimensions of a major philosophical problem, that is, racial integration. I further offer a historical account of racial integration, mapping three interrelated phases of such integration in South African public schools, namely the colonial/apartheid period, the democratic period and the post-democratic period. The dissertation also offers a conceptual account of the major theoretical understandings that constitute racial integration. It furthermore investigates racial integration as it is currently unfolding in South African public schools and simultaneously points out the limitations of this project. I argue how and why the lack of effective and genuine racial integration results in social injustice. Moreover, I advance an argument for deliberative racial integration in South African public schools; a notion that, it is hoped, could address some of the weaknesses associated with the present form of racial integration in South African public schools. The study also identifies the implications of deliberative racial integration for school governance, management, leadership, and teaching and learning. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif behels 'n ondersoek na die gebrek aan rasse-integrasie in openbare skole in Suid-Afrika. Die hoofargument in die studie is 'n verdediging van .n beraadslagende begrip van rasse-integrasie wat op vorige, meer beperkte, begrippe soos assimilasie, integrasie, multikulturalistiese onderwys en anti-rassistiese onderwys voortbou. Ek konseptualiseer die onderwerp aan die hand van 'n narratief van my eie ervaring ten opsigte van aangeleenthede wat met ras verband hou. Ek argumenteer dat filosofie van die onderwys aangewend kan word om die onderwysdimensies van 'n beduidende filosofiese probleem, naamlik rasse-integrasie, te ondersoek en te belig. Ek bied verder 'n historiese oorsig van rasse-integrasie deur te verwys na die koloniale/apartheidstydperk, die demokratiese tydperk en die postdemokratiese tydperk. Die proefskrif bied ook 'n konseptuele verslag van die vernaamste teoretiese beskouinge wat rasse-integrasie uitmaak. Die studie behels voorts 'n ondersoek van rasse-integrasie soos dit tans in Suid-Afrikaanse openbare skole ontvou en dui terselfdertyd op die beperkinge van die projek. Ek argumenteer hoe en waarom die gebrek aan doeltreffende en ware rasse-integrasie sosiale ongeregtigheid in die hand werk. Verder ontwikkel ek 'n argument vir beraadslagende rasse-integrasie in Suid-Afrikaanse openbare skole; 'n idee waarmee, so word gehoop, die gebreke wat met die huidige vorm van rasse-integrasie in Suid-Afrikaanse openbare skole geassosieer word, die hoof gebied kan word. Die studie identifiseer ook die implikasies van beraadslagende rasse-integrasie vir beheer van skole, bestuur, leierskap en onderrig en leer.

A research report submitted to the faculty of humanities, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, Applied Ethics for Professionals / The following paper examines the moral justification for affirmative action within South African sport, more specifically the forms pertaining to “preferential treatment” and “reverse discrimination”. The paper begins with an articulation of the nature of our sport as well as that of affirmative action, which in turn lays the foundation for my moral justification. South African sport, it seems, must share centre stage in our country’s reconciliation and nation-building process if we are to faster realise a substantively equal and non-racial society. I argue that by appropriately bringing about the right kind of integration in South African sport we can create a better country for all by reducing, inter alia, our racial and class disparities, racial prejudices and racism. That said, there appears to be a greater moral significance that comes from using “preferential treatment” and “reverse discrimination” in South African sport, as opposed to their complete absence. / MT2018

"But you've got to make sure you communicate in the right way [laughs] so that no one else knows what you're talking about. [Laughing]" (Interview I) The study examines the rhetoric of 'racial' exclusion used by South African private recruitment consultants to justify racist practice, criticise employment equity and deny racism. The dilemmatic nature of clients racially based requests is understood in a context that socially and legally forbids "unfair discrimination" and racist practice. The reader is provided with an overview of the legislation as it pertains to recruitment and the psychological study of 'race' in order to locate this study within its historical context. An historical context of segregation and resistance to changes in employment practices. We examine how South African psychology has investigated 'race' and racism - past and present. Psychology has traditionally explained 'white' resistance to transformation in terms of 'racial' prejudice. These attitudinal approaches fail to explicate the role of language in the reproduction and conservation of these historical patterns. By providing the reader with an historical overview "interpretative connections" (Wetherell and Potter, 1992) will be established that assist in the analysis of the text. Transcribed interviews with nine private recruitment consultants in two urban centres in South Africa serve as textual evidence. The analysis demonstrates the rhetorical strategies employed by consultants in their conversations, discussions, negotiations, criticism and justification of the conservation of historical employment patterns. Private recruitment consultants engage in a number of rhetorical manoeuvres that appeal to 'white' norms and construct' black' as a requirement and deficient. The construction of' white' and' black' serves as a platform for justifying the historically established 'racial' hierarchy and conserving 'racial' privilege. Consultants construct their practice as a 'reasonable' response to clients' blatant 'racially' based requests for candidates. This is done by splitting racism into 'reasonable' and 'unreasonable' racism. 'Unreasonable' racism is defined as explicit I blatant acts that are located externally and in the past. This splitting functions to distance recruitment consultants from the racist practices of their clients and to counter potential accusations of racism. Their arguments function ideologically to defend the historical status quo in employment and criticise social transformation in South Africa. The study concludes with recommendations for the private recruitment industry in South Africa and suggests future areas of study using a discursive approach. The analysis highlights the need for external auditing of the private recruitment agencies to ensure the enactment and successful implementation of the Employment Equity Act of 1998 and the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act of 2000. Furthermore, more detailed analysis of the object of racism, namely the construction of 'whiteness', could be useful in understanding resistance to transformation in the private sector and the (re)production of racism. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.