Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines longitudinally the nature of environmental concern in post-apartheid South Africa. During the years of colonialism and apartheid, environmental policy making and implementation was characterised by environmental racism that focused on ecocentric notions of nature conservation and protection, to the exclusion of black, coloured and Asian South Africans. The post-apartheid government has attempted to rectify the exclusion of black people from environmental rights, by enshrining in the Bill of Rights the right to an environment that is not harmful to South Africans' health or well-being. In light of the Bill of Rights unique political and practical implementation in South Africa, and on the basis of a comprehensive review of the empirical and theoretical literature on environmental concern, two hypotheses were formulated for testing in this thesis. The first, which is informed by an environmentalism of the poor or “empty-belly environmentalism” theory, proposes that South Africans have become more environmentally concerned since the end of apartheid. The second hypothesis is informed by the post-materialist thesis, and examines whether controlling for socio-economic status eliminates difference in environmental concern amongst the various race groups. The research design applied in this thesis is a longitudinal analysis of secondary data, in particular World Values Survey data. The results of this analysis led to a rejection of the first hypotheses, and a partial rejection of the second hypothesis. Additionally, the results reveal that since 1996 environmental concern has become less influenced by race and class. The thesis also contributes methodologically to future research on environmental concern, by raising concerns about the operationalisation and conceptualisation of environmental concern in the World Values Survey. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die aard van omgewingsbesorgdheid in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika. Gedurende die jare van kolonialisme en apartheid was beleidmaking en -implementering gekenmerk deur omgewingsrassisme wat op ekosentriese opvattings van natuurbewaring en -beskerming gefokus het. Dit het tot die uitsluiting van swart, bruin en Asiatiese Suid-Afrikaners gelei. Die post-apartheid regering het gepoog om hierdie groot ongelykhede reg te stel, deur die reg tot 'n omgewing wat nie skadelik vir hul gesondheid of welsyn is nie, vas te lê in die Handves van Menseregte. In die lig van hierdie omgewingsbeleidspunte se unieke politieke en praktiese implementering in Suid-Afrika, en op grond van 'n omvattende oorsig van die empiriese en teoretiese literatuur oor omgewingsbesordheid, is twee hipoteses in hierdie tesis getoets. Die eerste hipotese, waaraan 'n omgewingsbewustheid van die armes of "leë maag omgewingsbewustheid"-teorie gestalte verleen het, voer aan dat Suid-Afrikaners sedert die einde van apartheid meer omgewingsbesorgd geword het. Die tweede hipotese, wat voortvloei uit die post-materialistiese tesis, ondersoek of die verskil tussen die rasgroepe in terme van omgewingsbesorgheid verdwyn as hulle sosio-ekonomiese status konstant gehou word. Die navorsingsontwerp van hierdie tesis is 'n longitudinale ontleding van sekondêre data. Die resultate van hierdie analise onthul dat omgewingsbesorgdheid sedert 1996 minder volgens ras en klas gestruktureer word; buitendien is die eerste hipotese verwerp en die tweede hipotese gedeeltelik verwerp. Hierdie resultate het kommer oor die operasionalisering en konseptualisering van omgewingsbesorgdheid in die “World Values Survey” gewek.

ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This mini thesis is being submitted within a few weeks of two important events focusing on racism. One is the World Conference on Racism (WCAR), which was held in South Africa from 31 August to 7 September 2001; and the other is the release on 30 August 2001 of Race relations and racism in everyday life, a summary report on the results of a national survey commissioned by the South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR survey). The WCAR, as President Thabo Mbeki said in his opening address to it, had "to indicate what is to be done practically" to bring about "a changed and changing world in which all human beings actually enjoy the inalienable right to human dignity". Instead, months of careful planning and fastidiously drafted declarations were undermined by undignified squabbling over whether or not the United States should send a delegation to the Conference. Right at the end, when it seemed as if the conference was going to close on an inconclusive note, a United Nations declaration and programme of action was drafted that set out the 10 most important commitments for continuing to combat racism. What the WCAR didn't do, however, was leave people with an understanding of subtly conveyed racism and how individuals can change their behaviour so that a culture of nonracism is developed. The SAIRR survey was conducted in response to a plethora of media reports of racial friction or conflict. Its overall objective was to establish the extent to which 'the attitudes and inter-action of people in the new South Africa (are) still structured by racial definitions'. Although the results (see paragraph 1.4.4) show that only 5% of South Africans regard race as the cause of problems they have with other people, 59% regard racism as a serious problem. Moreover, the section of the population most concerned with race issues is the white Afrikaans-speaking group, the group most blamed for previous racial discrimination. By contrast, black African people, who are generally considered to have been the main victims of discrimination, are much less concerned with race issues than the media have made them out to be. The outcomes of the WCAR and the SAIRR survey may be telling us that the attention given to racism by the media is excessive in relation to the time the South African public spends thinking about it. On the other hand, the outcomes also reveal that most people's understanding of racism is limited to their awareness of inhumane acts or blatant racism. People may indeed be experiencing most of the examples discussed in Chapter 4, but they may not be identifying them as racism. The main objectives of this mini thesis, therefore, are to: • provide a short theoretical overview of communication and of racism; • discuss the ways in which racist tendencies are communicated and explain how that causes communication barriers; and to • discuss and recommend strategies for developing a culture of non-racism. One of the main tenets of the thesis is that, despite the democratisation of South Africa, racism continues to be communicated in various ways in the South African workplace. Fourteen of these ways are discussed in Chapter 4. They include: devaluation of previous suffering; stereotyping; perceptions of self-superiority and negative expectancies of other races; and the creation of in-groups and out-groups. In each case the racism puts up communication barriers between the sender and receiver of messages. These barriers include: unwillingness or inability to understand communications because of resentment or a lack of trust; distortion or misinterpretation of messages; poor performance because of negative expectancies; and conflict that breaks down team spirit. In other words, apart from its dehumanising effects, racism also has a detrimental effect on communication between people. The combined effect is to undermine people's performance in the workplace. Accordingly, in Chapter 6, a package of strategies is presented for developing a culture of non-racism. The strategies operate on different levels, beginning with a focus on nonracism in a universal context. The focus then shifts to the national legislative framework before moving on to organizational policies and culture, such as diversity and inclusiveness. Finally, the focus falls on the individual, and ways are discussed of developing the individual's awareness of racism and also his/her ability to control hislher own communication. The concluding argument put forward IS that awareness and understanding of racist tendencies, together with control over what and how they communicate, will enable individuals to make non-racism the norm in their inter-action with other people in the workplace. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie mini-verhandeling word voorgelê binne 'n paar weke van twee belangrike gebeurtenisse wat op rassime gemik is. Een van hierdie gebeurtenisse is die World Conference on Racism (WCAR), wat vanaf 31 Augustus tot 7 September 2001 in Suid- Afrika gehou is; die ander gebeurtenis is die bekendstelling op 30 Augustus 2001 van Race relations and racism in everyday life, die opsomming-verslag van 'n nasionale opname wat deur die South African Institute of Race Relations opgedra is (die SAIRRopname). Soos President Thabo Mbeki dit in sy openingsrede by die WCAR gestel het, moes die WCAR aandui wat prakties gedoen moet word om 'n veranderde en veranderende wêreld daar te stel waarin alle mense onvervreembare regte op menswaardigheid geniet. In stede daarvan is maande van deeglike beplanning en puntenerige opstelling van deklarasies deur onwaardige gekibbel ondermyn - en dit het alles gegaan oor of die Verenigde State 'n delegasie na die konferensie moes stuur al dan nie. Toe dit geblyk het dat die konferensie op 'n onbeslisde einde afstuur, is 'n United Nations Declaration and programme of action haastig opgestel. Hierdie dokument sit uiteen die 10 belangrikste stappe vorentoe om aksie teen rassime te neem. Nieteenstaande hierdie dokument, het die WCAR nie vir mense 'n begrip van subtiele rassime gegee nie. Dit het ook nie aangedui hoe mense hul gedrag kan aanpas sodat 'n kultuur van nie-rassisme teweeggebring kan word nie. Die SAIRR -opname is opgedra in reaksie op mediaberigte oor rassekonflik. Die oorhoofse doel daarvan was om vas te stel in watter mate Suid-Afrikaners se begrip van ras hul houding teenoor, en inter-aksie, met ander mense beïnvloed. Die resultate (kyk paragraaf 1.4.4) dui aan dat slegs 5% van Suid-Afrikaners van mening is dat ras die oorsaak is van hulle probleme met ander mense is. Aan die ander kant beskou 59% van Suid-Afrikaners ras as 'n ernstige probleem. Wat interressant is, is dat blanke Afrikaans-sprekende mense die mees besorgd oor rassisme is - en hulle is die groep wat hoofsaaklik blameer word vir historiese rasse-diskriminasie. In teenstelling daaroor, is swart Afrika-mense, wat die meeste onder rasse-diskriminasie gely het, heelwat minder besorgd oor rasseaangeleenthede as wat die media voorgee. Die uitvloeisels van die WCAR en die SAIRR-opname wys miskien dat die media heelwat meer aandag aan rasse-aangeleenthede gee as die Suid-Afrikaanse publiek. Hierdie uivloeisels wys egter ook dat die meeste mense se begrip van rassisme beperk is tot bewustheid van onmenslike dade of blatante rassisme. Miskien beleef mense wel die soort gedrag wat in Hoofstuk 4 beskryf word, maar hulle besef nie dat dit op rassisme neerkom nie. Na aanleiding daarvan, het hierdie mini-studieprojek drie hoof doelwitte: • om 'n kort teoretiese oorsig te gee oor kommunikasie en rassisme; • om 'n bespreking te hou oor die kommunikasie van rassistiese neigings en dan te verduidelik hoe dit kommunikasie-versperrings veroorsaak; en om 'n bespreking te hou en aanbevelings te doen oor hoe 'n kultuur van nie-rassisme ontwikkel kan word. 'n Kernagtige leerstelling in die verslag is dat rassisme op verskeie maniere in die Suid- Afrikaanse werkplek voorkom, nieteenstaande die demokratisering van die land. Hierdie voorbeelde sluit in: die ontwaarding van voormalige lyding; stereotipering; persepsies van eie meerderwaardigheid asook negatiewe verwagtinge ten opsigte van anderkleuriges; en die skepping van sogenaamde ingroepe and uitgroepe. In elkeen van dié gevalle veroorsaak rassisme versperrings tussen die sender van boodskappe (bv. spreker) en die ontvanger van boodskappe (bv. luisteraar). Sodanige versperrings sluit die volgende in: • onbereidheid of onvermoë om boodskappe te verstaan vanweë gegriefdheid of afwesigheid van vertroue; • verdraaiing of wanvertolking van boodskappe; • slegte prestasie as gevolg van negatiewe verwagtinge; en • konflik wat spangees afbreek. Rassisme het dus 'n ontmenslikingde uitwerking én dit veroorsaak kommunikasieversperrings. Die algemene uitwerking daarvan is om mense se prestasie in die werkplek te ondermyn. In die lig hiervan, stel Hoofstuk 6 strategieë voor vir die ontwikkeling van 'n kultuur van nie-rassime. Dié strategieë werk op verskillende vlakke. Om mee te begin, is die fokus op nie-rassisme in 'n universele konteks. Daarna word gefokus op die nasionale wetgewende raamwerk wat diskriminasie betref. Dit word gevolg deur 'n bespreking oor organisasiebeleid en -kultuur, soos 'diversity and inclusiveness'. Uiteindelik val die fokus op die individu, spesifiek op hoe om die individu se bewustheid van rassisme te verbeter en hoe om die individu te leer om beheer uit te oefen oor sy/haar eie kommunikasie. Die slot-argument wat na vore gebring word, is dat bewustheid en begrip van rassistiese neigings, tesame met beheer oor hul eie kommunikasie, individue in staat stel om nierassisme die norm te maak in hulle inter-aksie met ander mense in die werkplek.

The commitment of Azaad as a Race Consultancy is:- To ensure quality of opportunity for South Africans to fulfil their potential as Empowered Individuals and members of groups and communities; To Educate, enabling South Africans to gain skills, knowledge and attitudes needed to identify, advocate and pursue their rights and responsibilities as individuals and as members of groups and communities locally, nationally and internationally; Designed to create Equal Opportunity-through the challenging of oppression and the celebration of the differences which springs from culture, language, sexual identity, gender, disability, age, religion, and class; To Participate through voluntary relationship with other South Africans in which White and Black South Africans are partners in the learning process and decision making structures which affect their own and other peoples lives; To Empower- Supporting South Africans to understand and act on the personal, social and political issues which affect their lives, the lives of others and the communities they are part of; To Build resources will be a major effort of Azaad as a Race Consultancy. It is our intention to extend the objectives of all racial, cultural, religious, national, ethnic, sexual and political affiliations. All this will be delivered through informal education, through workshops, short courses, seminars, conferences, role play, etc.

While South Africa's new democracy has meant that schools are now open to all, there is still racism in our schools. The changes in schools have in some cases exacerbated racial tensions and mistrust. Teachers everywhere are struggling with the changing dynamics of their classrooms and schools. There is much talk about how to work against racism. Various programmes and schools have developed different ways of dealing with it. All have particular ideas about how best to counter it. Resisting Racism aims to discuss and understand the beliefs and assumptions underlying many of these approaches. We look at the theories behind the different practices, present a range of ideas to illustrate them and consider their limits and possibilities. The book is a starting point for teachers and schools to reflect on their practices and help them to work out new strategies in the classroom and school. The approaches described will probably work best if they are used together, specially adapted to the specific context in which they are to be used. In the first part of the book we look at psychological and sociological explanations of why people are racist. Four different ways of looking at the issues are described. Each suggests practical ways of dealing with racism in the classroom and in the school. Chapter Three, on multi-cultural and anti-racist education, covers similar ground but from a slightly different angle, looking at curriculum debates about race, culture and equality. The final section looks at the concerns that many teachers have every day, such as "How can I deal with the language problem?" and "How can I involve parents in these issues?" In discussing these questions we have tried to use current theory to inform the practical ideas suggested. You will discover that this book is not neutral. It does have a point of view. It seeks to explain the limitations of assimilating students into a status quo and asks that schools take a critical look at their policies and practices. There are no easy answers or quick solutions. However thinking about and understanding the issues of racism and the ways in which it may be resisted can only bring us closer to positive change.

It has almost been a decade since the inception of a 'New South Africa', without apartheid, which separated South Africans and classified them hierarchically according to their 'race'. The 'eradication' of apartheid has meant that South Africans have had to re-look at issues around racial identity without a dominating apartheid ideology. The purpose of the research was to describe and to look at some of the features and dynamics concerning racial identity that are prevalent in a post-apartheid South Africa. This was done by exploring the nature and type of interactions University of Natal Durban (UNO) students (doing a Human Behaviour and the Environment module) had with persons not from their own racial group, prior to coming to UNO as well as at UNO. The possible challenges, threats and opportunities students felt were afforded them because of their racial group were also explored. Literature concerning issues of racial identification in South Africa and other parts of the world was also examined. A descriptive research design, using a triangulated research methodology incorporating both quantitative and qualitative methods was used in the study. A non-probability sampling method with reliance on 83 available law, community development, nursing and psychology students representing the four racial classifications in South Africa, namely black, white, coloured and Indian was used. Data were collected through observations as well as through a self administered structured questionnaire. The findings of the research suggest that issues related to racial identification in a post-apartheid South Africa, for black, white, coloured and Indian students is in turmoil and requires reconstruction. The findings further indicated that questions about affirmative action and the future of non-black South Africans in South Africa is believed to be uncertain and negative. The issue of poverty and the internalised oppression and inferiority of black students was also identified to be problematic. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

This study aims to understand emerging black identities in contemporary South Africa. The focus is on the impact the radical transformation of the political and social system in South Africa is having on black identity. This study emphasises two key ideas: possibilities for the construction of black identity and the significance of apartheid on black identity, and how these two factors have impacted on the construction of black identity. A reflection on the work of Biko (1978) is used as the key theoretical framework for this study to understand the construction of black identity in the process of encounter with whiteness and encounter with racism. In this thesis, black people‟s autobiographies have been studied as a site where shared images of the past are actively produced and circulated: a site where a collective engagement with the past is both reflected and constructed. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Diversity Studies). March 2014 / Despite the end of apartheid, South Africa remains a grossly unequal society. This has meant that the current social order must again be challenged. One of the tasks faced in post-apartheid South Africa is the philosophical and moral interrogation of white privilege. This research investigates the ways of speaking of Argentine immigrants living in South Africa. Semi-structured interviews were conducted and analysed by making use of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory as well as Melissa Steyn’s characteristics of “white talk”. It was found that Argentine immigrants living in South Africa aligned themselves with the ways of speaking of white South Africans. These are largely informed by and embedded in Eurocentric discourses; in particular liberal ideology. In line with the agenda of Critical Whiteness studies, this positionality was exposed and theoretically interrogated. Keywords: whiteness, immigrants, discourse, Laclau and Mouffe discourse theory, white talk, racism, identity, liberalism

The present study experimentally examined the effect(s) of aversive racism on mock legal decisions made by university students. The experiment adopted a 3 (Evidence quality: low, ambiguous or high) x 2 (race stereotype crime: black vs. white) x 2 (Defendant race: black vs. white) between subjects design, in which 785 black, white, Indian and coloured participants were asked to judge legal cases. The legal vignettes were piloted to ensure that low, ambiguous and high evidence conditions were clearly represented, and that the white stereotype and black stereotype crimes chosen for the research were appropriate. Participants were each given two vignettes and used 10-point scales to judge a) the guilt or innocence of the defendant(s) and b) the sentence they would recommend for the defendant(s) should they be found guilty by a court of law. Our prediction that we would find evidence for the classic aversive racism effect in this sample was not supported, and no evidence of racial bias was found. Interestingly, white participants judged the guilt of defendants more leniently than all other race groups. These results are discussed and recommendations for future research are made. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.

This study investigated Black, White, and Indian South African university students' lay theories of intelligence. 260 students participated in this study, with an age range of 18 - 39 years. The study, which is based on the theory of multiple intelligences, explored everyday perceptions of intelligence across race groups in a South African setting. The independent variables of interest were race/culture and gender, while overall and multiple intelligences served as dependent variables. Participants were asked to rate their own overall (general) as well as multiple intelligences. They were then asked to rate the overall as well as multiple intelligences of in-group (same race) and out-group (different race) members of both genders. There was a statistically significant race effect, with White and Indian students giving Black students lower ratings and Black students in turn giving White and Indian students lower ratings. This may be a result of historically racialized discourses that still influence everyday perceptions of the 'Other'. There was a statistically significant gender effect with females giving higher estimates to not only themselves, but also to mates as well for all the multiple intelligences. It can be postulated that this may be a consequence of a population that has been sensitized to gender stereotyping, in addition to educational institutions promoting female friendly policies. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.

This study attempts to explore, theoretically and empirically, the experience of being black in a predominantly white university. It is more specifically concerned with perceived interaction between members of different cultural and ethnic groups, namely, between black and white. Using the existential-phenomenological method the experience of seven subjects, both male and female, were explicated. This explication revealed that black students become aware of their "difference" during interaction with members of the dominant white group. The black students perceive the behaviour of the white-dominant group to be racist and this creates a great deal of latent hostility, anger, and resentment. It is suggested that a programme be developed to diffuse the conflict situation during intergroup interaction at university.