Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1969. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1968. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 334-351).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1999. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 289-334).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Illinois State University, 1998. / Title from title page screen, viewed July 6, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Maurice Scharton (chair), Bruce Hawkins, Janice Neuleib. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 251-260) and abstract. Also available in print.

Most histories of the New Left emphasize that some variant of Marxism ultimately influenced activists in their pursuit of social change. Through careful examination of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), I argue that New Left thought was not always anti-liberal. Founding SDS members hardly rejected liberal political theory during the early years of the movement (1960-1963). New Left thought was profoundly indebted to John Dewey's political and philosophical method. Deweyan liberalism suggested theory should be directly applicable in the world of social action and truth should always be regarded as contingent. The connection between Dewey and SDS becomes apparent when one considers the role of Arnold S. Kaufman in the movement. Kaufman, a University of Michigan philosopher, applied Dewey's political and philosophical method in his work as an activist and academic. He coined the term "participatory democracy" for the New Left. Consequently, this key New Left concept was itself grounded in Dewey's philosophy.

M.A. / Marxist historiography started during the late sixties and early seventies in response to the so-called "crisis" in the social sciences. The inability of these sciences to explain prolonged poverty and backwardness in areas of capitalist development and dependency in areas in close connection with the capitalist core, directed social scientists towards Marxist explanations. The conventional explanation of the implacability of capitalist development with racial stratification no longer rendered any explanation of Third World circumstances, since, especially in the South African case, the economy maintained high growth rates in spite of and under circumstances of sustained and intensified racial differentiation...

This study includes a comparative analysis of the two jihadists, Taimour Abdulwahab's and Rakhmat Akilov's radical uprising. The objective is to analyze their radicalization process based on two different theoretical approaches. The first theory of Oliver Roy embraces the social conditions under which Muslims think and act, and believes that radicalization leads to an increased radical religiosity. In contrast, the second theory of Gilles Kepel seeks to understand the intellectual history of Islam, and believes that it is the political developments that have led to radicalization. The study shows that the radicalization of Taimour Abdulwahab and Rakhmat Akilov is a complicated matter that shares aspects from both theoretical approaches. However, some factors of the theories apply better than others. These factors are often linked to a triggering event that causes an individual to turn to a violent ideology. Also, strong group affiliation is considered an essential emotional bond, where identification with other like-minded people is an important factor. Influences from different emotions are essential to the radical process, where feelings of significance and threatened identity is a factor for increased violence. It is proven through the analysis how the interpretation of an individual's background results in how the religious and political perspectives regarding radicalization are defined and understood. As a result, one can neither ignore Kepel's historical aspects or Roy's modern conditions. After all, our life is often affected by both old and contemporary experiences.

by Stephen Eugene Parr. / Typescript. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 445-456).

The aim of this paper is to show that there is an important distinction between political radicalism and the previously more salient categories of political activism: activism and terrorism. More precisely, the question asked is the following: Is there any support for the need of radicalism as a way of classifying political activist groups? The distinction has not been entirely clear in previous research on political participation among activist groups, and this study intends to show why the distinction is vital to attain a more nuanced perception of the field.  It means to do so through analysing methods of political participation among Swedish extra-parliamentary groups with revolutionary agendas. The result will show a deficiency in the way political actions has so far been defined, and suggest a stronger emphasis on radicalism as its own subcategory to political participation in the future.

Law / Thesis (LL.M.)--University of South Africa, 1997.