Abstract: This is a study of the influence of anarchism and syndicalism (a variant of anarchism) on the left and labour movements in South Africa between the 1890s and the 1920s, but with a focus on the first two decades of the twentieth century. Internationally, this was a period of widespread working class unrest and radicalism, and the apogee, the “glorious period”, of anarchist and syndicalist influence from the 1890s to the 1920s. The rising influence of anarchism and syndicalism was reflected in South Africa, where it widely influenced the left, as well as significant sections of the local labour movement, as well as layers of the nationalist movements. This influence also spilled into neighbouring countries, fostering a movement that was multi-racial in composition, as well as internationalist and interracial in outlook. These developments are today almost entirely forgotten, and have been largely excised from the literature: this thesis is, above all, a work of recovering the history of a significant tradition, a history that has significant implications for understanding the history of left and labour movements in South Africa and southern Africa.

This thesis explores radicalism at work in M. Maxwell Philip's Emmanuel Appadocca (1854) and China Miâeville's The Scar (2002). These novels highlight piracy as a means of rejecting systems of power and social order. Through speculative fiction, each author finds the means to resist the hegemonic power of genre, race, empire, and knowledge that pervade each author's social and historical milieu. This work examines the historical and literary context of piracy as a metaphor for radicalism, the project of legitimization and resistance to generic categorization of both texts. Emmanuel Appadocca resists racial stereotypes, and both texts exhibit clear resistance to colonial expansion. This resistance is made possible by each author's use of the sea as the site of insurgency and challenging boundaries of knowledge. Thus both novels lend themselves to interpretation as works of postcolonial fiction. / by Elizabeth Kelly. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2008. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2008. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Thesis advisor: Devin O. Pendas / This dissertation examines the relationship between Black America and East Germany from 1949 to 1989, exploring the ways in which two unlikely partners used international solidarity to achieve goals of domestic importance. Despite the growing number of works addressing the black experience in and with Imperial Germany, Nazi Germany, West Germany, and contemporary Germany, few studies have devoted attention to the black experience in and with East Germany. In this work, the outline of this transatlantic relationship is defined, detailing who was involved in the friendship, why they were involved, and what they hoped to gain from this alliance. This dissertation argues that the GDR's ruling party utilized the relationship as a means of authenticating claims of East German anti-racism, a component of the Party's efforts to acquire legitimacy and diplomatic recognition from the international community in the wake of World War II, the Holocaust, and the division of Germany. African American radical leftists saw in East Germany a means of support and solidarity in the struggle for rights at home, as well as a society that was allegedly racism-free, upon which they could model their own attempts to eradicate racism in the US. Utilizing a transnational framework and analyzing government documents, newspapers, correspondence, photographs, and autobiographies, this work probes the ways in which two groups, pushed to the margins, sought to navigate the geopolitics of an ideologically-charged world. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / As most of the attentions as well as criticisms to Radical Orthodoxy are focused on the theology of John Milbank, the possible existence of alternative voice(s) within the school of Radical Orthodoxy has been ignored. This thesis attempts to suggest that the theology of Graham Ward, though sharing similar theological sensibility with Milbank and other theologians identified as advocates of Radical Orthodoxy, is different from Milbank's theology in various ways. In order to have a better understanding of the varieties within Radical Orthodoxy as a theological program or school, and for its future development in postmodern context, Ward's theology deserves to be further explored. / Through contrasting the theologies of Ward and Milbank, this thesis argues that Ward's theology can avoid most of the criticisms of Milbank's theology and offers a better alternative within the framework of Radical Orthodoxy. Furthermore, in terms of future development of Radical Orthodoxy, as Ward's theology is more open and compatible with other disciplines, including particularly Cultural Studies, and other religious worldviews, it may be able to provide as a more persuasive and competitive Christian narrative than that of Milbank when engaging in public discourses in a pluralistic society and non-western context. In comparison with the theology of John Milbank, the theology of Graham Ward is arguably a more promising alternative way for the better development of Radical Orthodoxy. / 本論文主要指出，對於激進正统的關注與評論，大部分皆集中於米爾班的激進正统神學，這明顯是無視於在激進正统的神學運動內，成員間在有著共同的感識下、也是有著多元的聲音。在這理解下，本文提倡以沃德的神學作為理解這神學運動內的多元聲音的起點，更重要是以此作為這神學運動在後現代處境中可進一步發展的方向。沃德的神學作為激進正统的殊途，不單提出一種非米爾班式的激進正统神學，更能避免種種對於米爾班式的激進正统神學的批判。 / 再者，就激進正统神學的未來發展而言，沃德的神學對於其他理論及宗教都較為開放並予以對話的空間，這尤令其作為一套走向公共領域，尤其在多元社會及非西方的文化處境中的故事，比米爾班式神學更有說服及競爭力。總結而言，本文討論並主張，作為激進正统神學內的殊途，沃德的神學是比米爾班式的激進正统神學會有更理想的發展。 / 李天鈞. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 164-181). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Li Tianjun. / 導論 --- p.1-11 / 論文的結構 / Chapter 第一章 --- 走出第三條路的後現代神學：「激進正統」的概論 --- p.12-49 / Chapter 1. --- 「激進正統」的發展背景及對其研究的進路 / Chapter 2. --- 「激進正統」神學所建構的宏大敘事 / Chapter 3. --- 學界對「激進正統」的評論 / 小結 / Chapter 第二章 --- 激進正統的殊途：沃德的神學 --- p.50-90 / Chapter 1. --- 沃德神學的發展 / Chapter 2. --- 沃德神學中的兩個主要關心的問題及當中相關的神學討論 / Chapter 3. --- 沃德的「激進正统」神學：以城市作起點 / Chapter 3.1 --- 從《上帝的諸城》作開始 / Chapter 3.2 --- 城市對神學研究的重要性 / Chapter 3.3 --- 沃德對城市的閱讀 / Chapter 3.4 --- 沃德對城市作出的回應 / Chapter 3.5 --- 沃德的城市神學對「激進正统」神學議程的論述 / Chapter 3.6 --- 沃德在《上帝的諸城》之後的神學發展 / 小結 / Chapter 第三章 --- 對沃德「激進正統」神學的延伸與發展的研究 --- p.91-135 / Chapter 1. --- 結合文化研究之路 / Chapter 1.1 --- 文化研究對文化理解的新觀點 / Chapter 1.2 --- 神學與文化研究結合發展的概況 / Chapter 1.3 --- 文化研究對神學研究的意義 / Chapter 1.4 --- 神學研究對文化研究的意義 / Chapter 2. --- 對處境神學的啟廸 / Chapter 2.1 --- 史卓德的本土神學 / Chapter 2.2 --- 史卓德本土神學中的處境分析 / Chapter 2.3 --- 沃德理論中可作補足的研究成果 / Chapter 3. --- 沃德神學發展中應考慮的方向：聖靈論 / Chapter 3.1 --- 文化視界中的聖靈 / Chapter 3.2 --- 聖靈的課題對神學與文化的互動上有何啟迪 / 小結 / Chapter 第四章 --- 沃德與米爾班作為「激進正统」神學上的殊途 --- p.136-160 / 小結 / 總結 --- p.161-163 / 參考書目 --- p.164-181

In my dissertation, I explore four inter-related research areas that advance the study of elite influence, identity, and conflict. How does religion interact with changing political conditions over time to affect contemporary patterns of extremism? To what extent do extremist attitudes explain variation in extremist behavior? What does the relationship between these two variables, and the similarities and differences in their correlates, imply for theories of extremism and ethnic conflict more generally? The next two themes focus on the way in which anti-violence appeals by elites shape extremism among followers. How does anti-violence religious---as opposed to economic--persuasion by an elite affect extremism, and can it overcome a counterargument to the peace message by a peer? Finally, what explains variation in the effectiveness of clerical persuasion on extremist behaviors across religious groups? In the opening chapter, I ask how changing political conditions shape the capacity of religious elites to mobilize extremism. In what ways might changing conditions lead to differential effects within religious groups? I study these questions based on primary field research in Lucknow and analysis of secondary historical sources. I demonstrate how the rise and fall state-sponsored religion, government regulation of religious rituals, and heightened foreign sectarian conflict structured efforts by religious elites to change norms in ways that increasingly permitted violence. For the Shia, such changing political conditions interacted with elements of their constitutive political myth in ways that strengthened perceptions of victimization. The ensuing difference in perceived group status has placed unique constraints on the persuasiveness of present-day Shia clerics who propagate pro-peace norms to their followers. Taken together, the study offers important lessons for the relationship between political conditions and the transmission of religious ideas, the durability of identities, and the effectiveness of elite persuasion in conflict settings. Chapter 3 focuses on the relationship between extremist attitudes and behavior. Research on the factors associated with religious extremism have focused on either extremist attitudes or behavior. Yet to date, there is little empirical evidence on the relationship between extremist attitudes and behavior, including on whether they are associated with the same factors. To help inform research gaps, this study leverages a face-to-face survey of 480 Sunni and Shia Muslim youth in Lucknow's Old City that employed attitudinal and behavioral measures of extremism. The results offer some of the first evidence that extremist attitudes are significant predictors of extremist behaviors, but that the strength of the relationship is not as strongly as commonly expected. Second, the study argues that economic grievances are stronger predictors of extremist attitudes than of behavior, and thus challenges theoretical expectations from the conflict literature. Third, the study points to a model of extremism in which religious and psychological factors, rather than grievance or social network explanations, drive both extremist attitudes and behaviors. The fourth chapter turns attention to the causal effect of elite persuasion and bottom-up countermessaging on religious extremism. Can pro-peace persuasion by religious or economic elites reduce religious extremism? Will such effects survive counterarguments? This study uses an audio recording experiment to examine these questions in the context of religious extremism in northern India. Sunni and Shia young adult men were randomly assigned to listen to an audio message recorded by a real in-group cleric emphasizing norms discouraging violence or a real in-group shopkeeper emphasizing material considerations discouraging violence. Another treatment---listening to a counterargument to the peace message by an in-group member---tests counter-messaging. Results indicate a surprising pattern: religious persuasion increases extremism the Shia sample and reduces extremism for the Sunni sample. Although these effects do not reach statistical significance within each sample, the difference between sects of the marginal effects of religious persuasion and the counterargument message are significant. The results support a novel logic involving group victimization consistent with experimental results and qualitative evidence. The final chapter of the dissertation examines clerical persuasion and its impact on religious extremism. How does an anti-violence religious message by a cleric affect extremism? Do such appeals work differently across groups? I argue that exposure to such an appeal from an in-group cleric reduces extremism for members of a non-victimized group but not for members of a victimized group. The latter retain extremism to guard against anticipated threats. I present evidence from an audio recording experiment among 2,100 Sunni and Shia young adult men in Lucknow, the Indian city where sectarian violence is highest and the Shia perceive themselves as victimized. I randomly assigned subjects to listen to an anti-violence religious argument from either an in-group cleric; out-group cleric; both; or none. Results show that the in-group message significantly reduces extremist behaviors up to 8 hours later for Sunni but not Shia subjects. Additional analyses and qualitative research emphasize the plausibility of the victimization logic. Furthermore, the out-group message and the interaction do not significantly change behavior for either group. I argue that intergroup inequalities matter for understanding the effectiveness of elite persuasion and discuss policy implications.

This thesis analyses the radicalisation of the bürgertum in a single Bavarian town, Hof-an-der-Saale, in the five years after the First World War. It is bookended by two important and enormously different elections. In the first of these – the January 1919 elections to the National Assembly – the bürgerliche districts of Hof voted almost entirely for the German Democratic Party, a left-liberal, pro-Republican party that called for a parliamentary democracy, the separation of church and state, rights for women, a renunciation of German militarism and a close collaboration with the Social Democrats. But just five years later, in the Reichstag elections of May 1924, these very same districts cast their votes for the Völkisch Block, a cover organisation for the then-banned Nazi Party. Within half a decade, then, Hof's bürgerliche milieu had switched its allegiance from a party of left-liberal democrats to the most radical nationalists in German history. Why did this dramatic and disturbing electoral turnaround occur? In an effort to answer this question, this thesis offers a detailed study of the narratives and discourses that circulated within Hof's bürgerliche milieu during this five-year period. It uses newspaper editorials, the minutes of political meetings, electoral propaganda, the documents of civic associations and commercial organisations, the Protestant newsletter and a range of other sources in an effort to reconstruct what Hof's Burghers thought, said and wrote between these two elections. What happened between January 1919 and May 1924 to transform Hof's bürgerliche inhabitants from Democrat into Nazi voters, and how did this startling change manifest itself at the level of discourse and political culture?

Why do ordinary people become supportive of violent, extremist ideologies? Over the past several years, tens of thousands of individuals across the world have become attracted to propaganda disseminated by the Islamic State (ISIS), and many have left their home countries to join the organization. This dissertation closely examines possible explanations for pro-ISIS radicalization in Europe and the United States. I argue that anti-Muslim hostility is an important driver of pro-ISIS radicalization, leading individuals who feel isolated to become attracted to the organization's propaganda. I also contend that groups like ISIS are aware of this pattern, and thus seek to purposefully provoke hostility against potential supporters by carrying out terrorist attacks. I maintain that efforts to stop radicalization should focus on ways to reduce hostility and increase inclusion of minorities in the West. The various dissertation papers empirically examine different aspects of these arguments. In the first paper, I examine whether anti-Muslim hostility might be driving pro-ISIS radicalization in Europe, by analyzing the online activity of thousands of ISIS sympathizers in France, Germany, Belgium, and the United Kingdom. Matching online radicalization indicators with offline data on vote share for far-right, anti-Muslim parties, I show that the intensity of anti-Muslim hostility at the local (neighborhood/municipality) level strongly correlates with support for ISIS on Twitter. In addition, I show that events that stir anti-Muslim sentiment, such as terrorist attacks and anti-Muslim protests, lead ISIS sympathizers to significantly increase pro-ISIS rhetoric, especially in areas with high far-right support. In the second paper, I argue that armed groups strategically use terrorism to manipulate levels of anti-Muslim hostility in Western countries. I test whether terrorism leads to greater expressions of anti-Muslim hostility using data on thirty-six terrorist attacks perpetrated by radical jihadists in the West from 2010 to 2016, examining how they shaped anti-Muslim attitudes among individuals in targeted countries. I find that individuals systematically and significantly increase posting of anti-Muslim content on social media after exposure to terrorism. The effect spikes immediately after attacks, decays over time, but remains significantly higher than pre-attack levels up to a month after the events. The results also reveal that the impact of terrorist attacks on anti-Muslim rhetoric is similar for individuals who already expressed hostility to Muslims before the attacks and those who did not. Finally, I observe that the impact of terrorist attacks on anti-Muslim hostility increases with attacks resulting in greater numbers of casualties. In the third paper, I examine what might be done to stop online radicalization and support for ISIS in the West. I collected data on community engagement events performed in the United States by the Obama Administration, which aimed to increase trust and relationships between the Muslim population and the American government, and combined them with high-frequency, geo-located panel data on tens of thousands of individuals in America who follow Islamic State accounts on Twitter. By analyzing over 100 community engagement events in a Difference-in-Differences design, I find that community engagement activities are systematically and significantly associated with a reduction in pro-ISIS rhetoric on Twitter among individuals located in event areas. In addition, the observed negative relationship between community engagement activities and pro-ISIS rhetoric is stronger in areas that held a large number of these events.

Cette thèse porte sur l'étude d'un réseau composé d'élus du Vaucluse de 1870 à 1898, autour de la figure d'Alfred Naquet et de ses amis politiques. On s'attachera à montrer comment ce réseau s'est peu à peu constitué et implanté à partir de 1870 grâce aux victoires électorales, et structuré par des fidélités personnelles, des échanges d'influence, et l'utilisation d'un vocabulaire de l'amitié. Cela avant d'être progressivement détruit et écarté de la scène politique locale durant les années 1888 à 1897, remis en cause par l'engagement d'une partie de ses membres dans le boulangisme, puis par leur implication dans le scandale de Panama. Au travers de l'étude de ce réseau, on cherche à appréhender les relations de clientèle et de fidélité entre ces élus du Vaucluse, leur relais locaux et de simples citoyens, dans la cadre de la politique des patronages, grâce à l'étude de la correspondance de ces élus et des fonds publics. Le deuxième évènement qui cause la fin du réseau Naquet est le scandale de Panama, plus précisément "l'affaire Arton". Accusés d'avoir reçu de l'argent pour leur vote lors d'une loi favorable à la compagnie universelle du canal interocéanique du Panama, certains membres du réseau sont poursuivis en justice. Par ailleurs, le scandale révèle des liens entre les puissances de l'argent et le monde politique, notamment au travers de la société centrale de la dynamite, et pose la question de l'existence d'un groupe de pression composé d'hommes politiques et d'hommes d'affaires à la chambre. De la même manière, les stratégies de défense des élus face à l'accusation de corruption, les déviances et les débats normatifs autour de cette thématique seront étudiées en ce qui concerne ce réseau. / This thesis deals with the study of a network composed with MPs of Vaucluse from 1870 to 1898, gathered around Alfred Naquet and his political friends.We will try to show how this network works, how it was built and got rooted from 1870 thanks to electoral victories, then structured by personal loyalties, exchanges of influence and the use of friendship vocabulary.This was before it got progressively destroyed and isolated from the local political scene from 1888 to 1898, questionned first by the engagement from one part of its membersin the boulangisme, then by their implication in the Panama scandal. Throught the study of this network, we search to apprehend the relation of clientelism and loyalty between the MPs of Vaucluse, their local relay and simple citizens. The second event that caused the end of Naquet's network is the Panama scandal, more precisely the "Arton Affaire". Being accused of receiving money for their vote when a law in favour of the Panama company is voted,some members of the network are being prosecuted. The scandal also reveals links between businessmen and political men, especially throw the société centrale de la dynamite, created by Alfred Nobel, and raise the question of the existence of a group of pressure composed by politcal and business men. In the same way, the defence strategies of the electives facing corruption accusation, the deviances and normative debates around this theme will be studied regarding this network.

Les radicaux britanniques réclament une réforme parlementaire profonde et une limitation de l’influence royale, et encouragent la participation populaire à la vie politique. L’étude porte sur les membres de deux sociétés londoniennes, la Society for Constitutional Information et la Revolution Society, et en particulier sur deux de leurs figures de proue, Richard Price (1721-1791) et sur John Cartwright (1740-1823). Leur discours oscille entre des références patriotiques à l’histoire nationale [constitutionnalisme] et une ouverture à l’universel (jusnaturalisme). La guerre de l’indépendance américaine révèle à leurs yeux les failles du système politique britannique et l’Amérique leur offre désormais un nouveau modèle de liberté. A la même époque, leur discours prend une dimension britannique et non plus seulement anglaise. L’évolution de leur discours se mesure à la différence entre la xénophobie marquant le début de la période, chez John Wilkes par exemple, et l’idée de bienveillance universelle défendue par Price en 1789 dans un éloge conjoint de la révolution anglaise de 1688-1689 et de la Révolution française. / British radicals demanded a thorough reform of parliament and limitations on the influence of the crown, and encouraged popular political participation. This study is concerned with members of two London-based societies, the Society for Constitutional Information and the Revolution Society, and in particular with two leading figures of the movement, Richard Price (1721-1791) and John Cartwright (1740-1823). Their discourse alternates between patriotic references to national history (constitutionalism) and an appeal to universal values [natural rights]. Under the influence of the War of American Independence, they opened their eyes to the shortcomings of the British political system, and came to consider America as a new model of liberty. During the same period, their discourse widened from an English to a British dimension. This evolution is nowhere more apparent than in the contrast between the xenophobia of the early years of the reform movement (associated with John Wilkes) and the idea of universal benevolence that Price defended in 1789, when he paid a double tribute to the Glorious Revolution of 1688-1689 and to the French Revolution.

Les romans historiques de Gore Vidal sont un choix idéal pour traiter du rapport de l’histoire et de la fiction. La vision de l’auteur s’inscrit dans la pensée postmoderne qui trouve dans l’histoire le terrain favorable pour mettre en cause les métarécits qui fondent le savoir moderne. C’est une vision foncièrement paradoxale : elle exprime un intérêt sans précédent pour l’histoire tout en cherchant à mettre en cause de la vérité historique. L’écriture de Vidal invite donc à interroger l’existence d’une frontière solide entre roman et histoire, à déceler les lignes de partage et les points de convergences entre les deux types de récits, et à mesurer leur impact sur la réception et la représentation du réel. S’invite également la question de la subjectivité en histoire : elle résulte de l’engagement politique, de l’influence de l’expérience personnelle qui se traduit par l’intérêt accordé à l’actualité, du recours à l’empathie et des enjeux politiques de la mémoire. D’autre part, la conception tragique et radicale de l’histoire chez Vidal s’oppose à l’idée du progrès et de l’« exceptionnalisme » qui dominent l’histoire officielle américaine ; elle recourt à la métaphore rhétorique ; elle valorise le rôle de l’individu et de l’accidentel en histoire. La vision de Vidal mène aussi à explorer le concept d’empire tout en étant sans doute responsable de la dérive doctrinaire de ses romans, et à évoquer les différentes interprétations historiques, progressistes, libérales et républicaines, qui caractérisent l’histoire des États-Unis dans leur rapport avec le capitalisme et l’impérialisme. / Gore Vidal’s historical novels are well suited for a discussion of the relationship between history and fiction. Vidal’s perspective draws from a current of postmodern thought which accepts history as legitimate grounds for casting doubt upon the metanarratives upon which modern knowledge is based. In assuming this perspective, Vidal accepts its paradoxical premises: showing an unprecedented interest in history while questioning historical truth. Vidal’s writing invites readers to doubt the existence of a strong border between literary and historical narratives to identify the ways in which these narratives mutually engage in literary borrowing and differentiation, and then to assess their impact on the reception and representation of reality. The question of subjectivity in history resulting from political commitment will also be considered, along with the impact of personal experience, reflected in the interest in current affairs, empathy and the political issues of memory. Vidal’s simultaneously tragic and radical narrative contests the ideas of progress and « American exceptionalism » which dominate official history, by focusing instead on rhetorical metaphor, and on the role of individuals and accidents in history. This narrative encourages an exploration of the concept of empire in light of a certain drift in the doctrinal approach mobilized in Vidal’s novels. This study gives rise to the discussion relating to the different historical interpretations which connect American history to capitalism and imperialism.