Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1971. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (doctoral)-Freie Universität, Berlin. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--New York University, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 604-622).

Thesis (M. Div. with Concentration: Christian Doctrine)--Emmanuel School of Religion, Johnson City, Tennessee, 2001. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 122-126).

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Konstanz, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 527-544).

No description available.

The presented graduation thesis deals with radical right wing parties in the political system of the Czech republic. The far-right wing parties occured in the area of the present Czech republic in the second half of 19th century. In the following years their number and importance fluctuated. In the last twenty years the Dělnická strana appeared. This party was the most important far-right wing party since 1989 until present days. Dělnická strana was founded in 2002 and cancelled was by the Supreme Administrative Court eight years later. Many far-right wing parties acted in Czech republic besides this one after 1989. None of them, including Dělnická strana sociální spravedlnosti, which is the successor party of Dělnická strana, had ever achieved such popularity and elective results.

Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-25T17:33:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - Eduardo Boaventura.pdf: 789299 bytes, checksum: 71b6fb82c1550c4a40b41a9d744281ba (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Auxiliadora Lopes(silopes@ufba.br) on 2013-06-10T19:10:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - Eduardo Boaventura.pdf: 789299 bytes, checksum: 71b6fb82c1550c4a40b41a9d744281ba (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-10T19:10:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - Eduardo Boaventura.pdf: 789299 bytes, checksum: 71b6fb82c1550c4a40b41a9d744281ba (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Esta investigação analisa a relação existente entre radicalidade filosófica, autoconhecimento e educação. O método utilizado na pesquisa é fenomenológico e hermenêutico. Sendo assim, busca-se o fenômeno da filosofia e da educação mais no seu desenvolvimento processual do que em resultados estatísticos. A pesquisa quer ressaltar o sentido de uma educação filosófica: o despertar de uma consciência que se encaminha para o autoconhecimento. A presente tese propõe ainda um método para o ensino da filosofia: a mediação dialógica indagante. Este método acredita que o ensino da filosofia, se quiser despertar no educando o processo do autoconhecimento, precisa nortear-se em dois princípios essenciais: o diálogo e o questionamento. / Salvador

This thesis is a historical, sociological case-study of the movement for public control and land-use planning prior to WWII. The impetus for this movement came from a radicalized faction of the forestry profession. Radicalism in forestry centered around a group of professional foresters who were followers of Gifford Pinchot, the nation's Chief Forester from 1898-1910. Pinchot commenced the movement for public control over cutting on private forestlands in in the nineteen-teens. The emphasis in this case-study is on identifying social factors responsible for giving impetus to a movement for collective environmental planning, and the social and environmental possibilities of this subject. Three specific areas are studied: first radicalism in the forestry profession; second the vision of sustainability that emerged from radical forestry; and finally the relationship between the radical foresters and organized currents of the political Left. Findings: The understanding of the scientific conservation and land-use planning movement that has developed in scholarly literature does not provide an accurate characterization of this movement. The neglected vision of sustainability through public ownership and planning associated with radical forestry might be reconsidered in light of the present environmental problems. Despite the fact there was a radical presence in the forestry profession, norms of professional behavior are significant obstacles to radicalization, hence why Pinchotist conservation is anomalous in environmental history. Even though leading personalities in forestry took up the cause of public control, the institutional environmental movement remained aloof, giving indication that there are barriers to the development of an organized movement for environmental planning. Various radical political currents, however, demonstrated signs of receptivity to the scientific conservation movement.

abstract: This dissertation examines the history of multiracial alliances among internationalist radical activists in the San Francisco Bay Area from the late 1960s through the 1970s. Using the approaches of social movement history and intellectual history, I critically assess the ideological motivations radicals held for building alliances and the difficulties they encountered with their subsequent coalitional work in four areas of coalescence—the antiwar movement, political prisoner solidarity, higher education, and electoral politics. Radical activists sought to dismantle the systemic racism (as well as economic exploitation, patriarchy, and the intersections of these oppressions) that structured U.S. society, through the creation of broad-based movements with likeminded organizations. The activists in this study also held an orientation toward internationalist solidarity, linking the structural oppressions against which they struggled in the United States to the Vietnam War and other U.S. militaristic interventions overseas and viewing these entanglements as interconnected forces that exploited the masses around the world. Scholarly and popular interpretations of Sixties radical movements have traditionally characterized them as narrowly-focused and divisive. In contrast, my research highlights the persistent desire among Bay Area radicals to form alliances across these decades, which I argue demonstrates the importance of collaborative organizing within these activist networks. Scholarship on coalitional politics also tends to emphasize “unlikely alliances” between “strange bedfellows.” In contrast, this project illuminates how sharing similar ideological principles predisposed these radical organizations to creating alliances with others. Coalitions remain integral to contemporary social and political movements, and excavating the possibilities but also problems within previous broad-based organizing efforts provides a usable history for understanding and confronting societal issues in the present day. At the same time, the multifarious manifestations of racism and other systems of inequality demonstrate the need to first understand how these oppressions affect minority groups uniquely, before we can understand how they affect groups in comparison to each other. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation History 2016