The vast majority of William Cobbett’s personal letters have never been published. This thesis examines these manuscripts alongside the ‘open letter’ form that dominated his published writings, using correspondence to illuminate the hybrid and highly idiosyncratic form of Cobbett’s radicalism. It shows how he responded to continued persecution from the government through a series of innovative epistolary strategies, creating a popular journalism that incorporated many of the tropes usually associated with letter writing, including familiarity, authenticity, the spontaneity of speech and the domestic scene of reception. These became inseparable from the idealized presentation of Cobbett’s own radical and agrarian domestic life, and this thesis represents the first critical study to address the significance of Cobbett’s family in the physical production and imaginative world of his writings, drawing on many of the letters written by his seven children. Individual chapters concentrate on a series of episodes in Cobbett’s post-1800 career, including his friendship with William Windham, imprisonment in Newgate, exile in America, support for Queen Caroline and writings on the Captain Swing uprising. During these years, Cobbett’s correspondence helped to establish the modern newspaper leading article as an open letter to readers, although Cobbett’s are stamped with his own personal authority. However, while correspondence invested Cobbett’s journalism with a sense of situatedness unmatched in radical writing of the period, it also highlights some of the tensions within his political and pedagogical practice. By the 1820s, Cobbett’s correspondence bristles with the contradictions of wanting to recognize the individuality and difference of his readers’ lives, and at the same time pull them within the orbit of a very paternal political vision.

Stoney Burns (Brent LaSalle Stein) edited and published Dallas Notes, a Dallas, Texas, underground newspaper, from November 1967 through September 1970. This thesis considers whether Burns was the unifying figure in the Dallas counterculture.

MOROCCO'S RELIGIOUS POLICY SINCE 2003 The year 2003 marks a beginning of a new era in moroccan religious policy, which aims at an unification of religious field in the kingdom and a fight against islamic radicalism. Moroccan king Mohammed VI. succeeded in management of both internal and external threats to his kingdom's stability in past twelve years and in a comparison with his counterparts he managed to emerge strengthened out of crisis of the first decade of a new millennium. Main topic of this essay is to map an effort to control moroccan religious scene by state and its achievements and failures.

Des militants britanniques fondèrent un club pro-révolutionnaire à Paris à la fin de l’année 1792, au moment où leur propre gouvernement, dirigé par William Pitt le Jeune, avait proscrit tout soutien ouvert pour la Révolution française. Le club des expatriés fut créé alors à un carrefour dans la culture politique et diplomatique de la Grande-Bretagne, ainsi qu’à un stade important dans l’évolution de la Révolution française. Souvent victimes de poursuites judiciaires à la fois en Grande-Bretagne et en France, les membres du club ont été considérés comme des « hommes sans pays » par un commentateur au dix-neuvième siècle. Cependant, ces militants ne furent pas simplement des pions dans un conflit diplomatique plus large. Au sein de la jeune république, ils créèrent une communauté radicale à l’hôtel de White, lieu où des programmes politiques croisèrent des projets privés. Ce monde associatif fit partie d’un réseau plus large de réforme qui traversa la Manche. L’impact d’une tradition de « enquiry » et de « improvement », qui se développa au cours de la deuxième moitié du dix-huitième siècle, fut grand. Cette tradition poussa des membres de la communauté radicale à intervenir dans les débats révolutionnaires sur le devant de la scène publique française. Ces interventions furent aussi l’expression d’une volonté de mener à bien une réforme de la culture politique en Grande-Bretagne. Les membres de la communauté expatriée intervinrent alors au sujet de la création d’une nouvelle constitution républicaine à la fin de l’année 1792, proposant des modèles divers qui reflétaient le caractère hétérogène du club. D’autres, en tant que spectateurs, esquissèrent des témoignages pour un public britannique qui avait été trompé, à leurs yeux, par une presse ennemie de la Révolution. / British radicals established a pro-revolutionary society in Paris in the late months of 1792, at a time when their own government, under William Pitt the Younger, had proscribed all overt support for the French Revolution. The expatriate club was founded at a crossroads in British political and diplomatic culture therefore, and at a vital stage in the course of the French Revolution. Often the victims of judicial pursuit in both Britain and France, the members of the British Club have been deemed “men without countries” by one nineteenth-century commentator. Yet British radical activists in Paris were not simply pawns in a wider diplomatic struggle. In the early French republic, they founded a radical community at White’s Hotel, where political agendas intersected with private initiatives. This associational world was part of a broad network of reform stretching across the Channel. It was influenced by a tradition of enquiry and improvement which had developed in Britain during the latter half of the eighteenth century. This tradition led members of the radical community to engage with the Revolution on issues which dominated public debate in France but which also echoed their concern for the overhaul of British political culture. They intervened on the question of the foundation of a new republican constitution at the turn of 1793, providing a range of blueprints which reflected the varied nature of the club’s political character. Some also wrote eyewitness observations of the Revolution back to Britain, sketching their impressions for an audience who had, in their view, been misled by a hostile British press.

1 Rightlist extremism and radicalism in the Czech Republic constitutional law aspects Keywords Rightlist extremism, radicalism, constitutional law, human dignity, democracy, neonazists Abstract The subject of this thesis is description of activities of selected Czechoslovak and Czech political parties and movements with elements of right-wing extremism since the establishment of Czechoslovakia until 1945 and from 1989 to the present. More over I analyze the possibility of intrusion of democratic stability by activities of these subjects and examine legal instruments held by the society, to defend democracy. Reading my work, the reader should have complete view on this issue and clear comparison of right-wing extremism and its consequences in the past and present. Source of my work is the constitutional order of the Czech Republic, in particular the Czech Constitution and the Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms, laws and jurisprudence. A valuable source was also historical and legal literature, manuals and guidelines of the public administration. Describing of some right-wing extremist entities, I have used their own publishing activities, primarily Internet resources. The work is divided into two parts, of which the first mainly deals with the history of right-wing extremism in Czechoslovakia and the...

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T21:01:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 4 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Com este trabalho, procuramos demonstrar que a grande política é uma das tentativas de Nietzsche para superar o niilismo. Entretanto, além de não consegui-lo, sua proposta confronta-se com a democracia liberal da segunda metade do século XIX (o que contém certa dose de razão na medida em que detecta os traços niilistas passivos contidos nesse sistema político) e com a democracia de nossos dias, negando ao sujeito uma participação efetiva na política e seus rumos na sociedade, porquanto se assenta numa estrutura hierárquica de senhores e escravos, mesmo que com conotações espirituais, e não físicas, muitas vezes expressas de modo dúbio. Uma das conseqüências imediatas dessa proposição é o enraizamento da apatia política, traço inequívoco do niilismo passivo nas sociedades pós-modernas. Inspirada nos moldes gregos arcaicos e no radicalismo aristocrático, a sociedade aristocrática vislumbrada por Nietzsche seria conduzida pelo além-do-homem, ao longo da obra metaforizado como novo filósofo, filósofo legislador e / With this work we aim to demonstrate that great politics is one of the Nietzsche’s attempts to overcome nihilism. However, apart from didn’t make it, his proposal hatchs with liberal democracy of the second half XIX century (which have a certain reason element, because detect the passive nihilist traces contained in that political system) and with democracy of our time, denying to the individual one efective participation on politics and in society tacks, because it is based on a hierarchy structure of masters and slaves, even if with spiritual meaning, and not physical, many times expressed in a dubious way. One of the immediates consequences of that proposition its the rooting of political apathy, a unmisunderstantig trace of passive nihilism on postmodern societies. Inspired on greek arcaic casts, on the aristocratic radicalism, the aristocratic society glimpsed by Nietzsche has to be conducted by the beyond-man, along the nietzschian work metaphorized as new philosopher, legislator philosopher and aristoc

This thesis constitutes the first full-length study of Polish Communists in Canada, a group that provided a substantial segment of the countries socialist left in the early 20th century. It traces the roots of socialist support in Poland, its transplantation to Canada, the challenges it faced within an ethnic community heavily influenced by Catholicism, the complications caused by its links to the Comintern, and its changing strength and decline. It offers a deeper understanding of the ways in which the Communist party was able to appeal to certain ethnic groups, such as through cultural outreach, as well as its complicated and often arguably counter-productive relationship with the Comintern. It also furnishes important information on the efforts of the RCMP and Polish consulates to maintain control over the communists, as well as how generally improved material conditions among Poles, especially following the Second World War, along with the influence of the Cold War, accounted for a rapid decline in support. The thesis is primarily based on sources generated by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs or, more precisely, by the Polish consulates in Winnipeg, Montreal and Ottawa. One the Canadian side, the thesis took advantage of RCMP records, Canadian security bulletins, immigration records and Polish-language newspapers printed in Canada. By utilizing these sources, this study not only analyses the interaction of the Polish Canadian communist movement with other segments of the Polish community in Canada, but it also moves beyond the introverted approach that has characterized most studies of ethnic organizations in Canada by placing the movement within a “Canadian” context to analyze its relations with the government, broader segments of Canadian society, and the Communist Party of Canada (CPC).

Thesis (M.A.)--Florida State University, 2004. / Advisor: Dr. Valerie Jean Conner, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed 6/15/04). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2002. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI Company.

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