Through the collection and analysis of negotiations surrounding the gay magazine Destroyer, the intention of this paper is to identify norms of sexuality within a contemporary sex-radical discourse. These negotiations are collected from interviews with individuals whom, at the time of the inter-view, consider themselves or their politics sex-radical. In order to allow for a more general under-standing of the context in which these negotiations have come about, material about Swedish law is also included in this text, together with the interview material, and serves as a base for analysis through the application of Gayle Rubin’s theory on the hierarchical value system of sexuality. Following, are the main themes throughout the paper: The meaning of the context; Sexualized children; The possibility to (not) participate: differences of power; The decision whether or not to sell the publication and The position of the pedophile and crossgenerational love/sexuality within the LGBTQ community. Key words: sex radicalism, pornography, boy-love, kiddy porn, pedophilia, Destroyer, Gayle Rubin.

This thesis focuses on the political dimensions of aesthetic expression during the Long Sixties. The thesis deals with amateur theatre ventures both within and linked to the social democratic labour movement. ’Spelet om Norbergsstrejken’ (The Play about the Norberg Strike) had its première in 1977 in a small industrial village in the industrial region of Bergslagen. Similar plays appeared in many regions of the country and a wave of workers’ plays emerged and made an impact on the internal investments of the educational association ABF in amateur theatre. The empiricism of the thesis concludes in 1982 when a social democratic amateur theatre association was founded and after a breakaway from the social democratic movement was establishing a residential study centre in another small village in Bergslagen. Sixties radicalisation provides the social context of the study and the perspective of sociological social movement research is used and developed. Based on the perspective of cognitive practice and the concepts of cosmology and movement ideology attention is directed towards the theatre assets of performance hosts, expectation horizons and patterns of behaviour. The thesis argues for a deeper understanding of sixties radicalisation partly meaning that the periodisation needs to be extended backwards as well as forwards in terms of time and partly that the political dimensions of aesthetic expression should be focused on. Based upon the results of the thesis the concept of culturactivism was formulated which defines the specific approach that appeared in the space between political and cultural activism. This highlights the need for a concept that covers the cognitive free space that arose between aesthetic expression and political activism and which has not previously attracted the attention of historical studies about sixties radicalisation to any great degree.

While the word 'critique' appeared frequently in Australian legal education texts between 1987 and 2003, the meaning and the emphasis accorded critique varied widely. Michel Foucault's ideas about the close relationship between knowledge and power provide a theoretical framework within which this inconsistency of meaning and emphasis can be described, analysed and explained. Rather than monolithic, the discipline of legal education was by 2003 a dynamic nexus of distinct and competing discourses: doctrinalism, vocationalism, corporatism, liberalism, pedagogicalism and radicalism. Each of these six discourses was simultaneously a form of knowledge and an expression of disciplinary power within the law school. As a form of knowledge, each discourse accorded critique a different meaning and a different emphasis as a consequence of a range of historical, social and political contingencies. As an expression of power, each discourse was an attempt to achieve a set of objectives including the universalisation of a particular approach to the teaching of law and the enhancement of the status of a particular role within the law school. Critique, in a variety of forms, was a strategy employed by each discourse in order to achieve these objectives and to dominate and displace competing discourses.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Communication and Culture, 2007. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-05, Section: A, page: 1918. Adviser: John L. Lucaites. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed Jan. 14, 2008)."

This dissertation describes a movement I am calling Radical Social Activism that flourished among Catholic women between the years 1920-1960. The Catholic women participating did not abandon their Church's teachings on women but worked within the androcentric Catholic Church to achieve some lasting results as Radical Social Activists. This Radical Social Activism worked in the lives of Dorothy Day, Maisie Ward, and Dorothy Dohen, three women who retained a firm attachment to the Catholic faith and who would not align themselves with the incipient feminism of the times, but who, nevertheless, strove for social change and justice without regard for political or social recognition. Their work was radical because they were not complacent with the status quo and worked to change it. Their work was social because they ignored Church politics and reached outside their individual egos. And their work was definitely action oriented in that they practiced their beliefs rather than simply preach them. Few Catholic women were involved with the early women's Suffragist movement; the overwhelming majority did not participate in mainstream feminism, in part due to their immigrant background. Women stepped out of the family setting and into active roles in a society that increasingly measured success in terms of economic well being. These role changes produced trade offs in terms of how the family was viewed and it de-emphasized society's spiritual well being. Some of the issues and solutions for women in modern society collided with moral and ethical teachings of the Roman Catholic Church. I have selected three such women who responded with Radical Social Activism, and participated in the American Catholic Church, however, they did not participate in the general feminism of the times. These women, Dorothy Day, Maisie Ward, and Dorothy Dohen, represented in their Radical Social Activism, a feminism of the spirit, as it were, while still remaining within the structure and Magisterium of the Church proper. As women moved into secular society, they made compromises concerning their duties and responsibilities to family. Issues of divorce, birth control, and abortion became popular remedies that helped limit family duties and responsibilities. However, the Catholic Church has always viewed these as problematical and theological challenges to Catholic teaching and has consistently refuted the expediency of these solutions on moral grounds. Yet, if the Church's view on women limits women as feminists have claimed, it did not stop Day, Dohen, and Ward from participating and changing the secular world around them, while still remaining loyal to the teachings of the Catholic Church. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Church History)

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Les études concernant la production de Sayyid Quṭb se limitent généralement à ses écrits religieux et politiques fondés sur sa vision extrémiste de l’islam, en occultant sa production littéraire. Ce procédé nous empêche de voir l’œuvre quṭbienne dans toute sa complexité.Notre recherche se propose d’étudier l’œuvre de Quṭb dans sa globalité. Elle porte ainsi sur son discours dans ses différents domaines religieux, social, politique et littéraire, et tient compte de son évolution, afin de mettre en évidence ses transformations et contradictions.Dans sa première partie, cette recherche présente d’abord le contexte historique, socio-politique et culturel de l’œuvre de Quṭb, avant d’analyser sa vision religieuse, sociale et politique. Dans sa deuxième partie, elle traite, dans un premier temps, de la littérature de Quṭb pour mieux percevoir sa vision littéraire. Ensuite, ce travail procède à une analyse, basée sur une approche narratologique et sémiologique, de la production romanesque de Quṭb, négligée par les chercheurs. Ainsi apparaît la prédominance de sa dimension « prophétique », morale et didactique. Dans une dernière partie, nous confrontons la littérature « islamique » de Quṭb, et son œuvre romanesque à sa production poétique dominée par une vision romantique, de manière à bien mettre en évidence ses contradictions internes. / Studies relating to the production of Sayyid Quṭb are generally limited to his religious and political writings, which mirror his extremist views of Islam, and they thus obscure his literary production.Our research aims to study the works of Quṭb as a whole. It focuses on his discourse in various areas, be they religious, social, political or literary, as well as it takes into account the evolution in his views, in order to better highlight his changes of positions and his contradictions.It begins, in its first part, with the historical, socio-political and cultural context, within which Qutb’s work took place, before analyzing his religious, social and political views. In its second part, it addresses, at first, Qutb's literature in order to better grasp his literary vision. Then, basing its analysis on a narratological and semiological approach, this research goes on to analyze the novels of Quṭb, which are neglected by researchers, thus bringing into light the predominance of its “prophetic”, moral and didactic dimension. In its last part, we compare Qutb’s “Islamic” literature and his novels with his poetic production which is dominated by a romantic vision, so as to clearly highlight its internal contradictions.

In the submitted thesis the author focuses on the rising popularity of extremist political parties in the Czech Republic. The popularity growth of extremist political parties in the Czech Republic is proven by election results in recent years. Right-wing extremists{\crq} ``combat power{\crqq} growth is closely connected with the increasing number of their followers. Regional elections in 2008, in which the Labour Party achieved almost 29 thousand votes, which represents eight times more than the party had achieved in the previous elections in 2004, can be a proof of that. What is more, this party achieved 1.07% votes in the European Parliament elections and it surpassed the limit which is necessary for the state subsidy requisition. In the Theoretical Part the author deals with definitions of basic terms ``extreme{\crqq} and ``radical{\crqq}. Then he deals with the theoretical division of the political scene, from both the current point of view and the historical point of view, into the rights and the lefts. Then he attends to some terms which are closely associated with extremism, such as: nationalism, anti-Semitism and racism. In the Conclusion of the Theoretical Part the author focuses on the far rights and the far lefts. He pays attention to both the current representatives and to their predecessors of those extreme lines. In the Practical Part the author sets his targets and defines hypotheses and he also attends to the used research procedure there. The research was made via questionnaire investigations. Questions were focused on people{\crq}s opinions which are related to inadaptable citizens and extremism. There were also some questions which were focused on activities of those parties in the above mentioned fields, regarding the inadaptable citizens and extremism, which have their members in the Parliament of the Czech Republic. In the Practical part of the thesis the author also evaluates the observed results in light of respondents{\crq} achieved level of education. In the Discussion of the thesis the author compares the observed data with the knowledge of experts. He also focuses on divergent opinions of asked respondents, in connection with their achieved level of education. The thesis and the observed results could be used by general public interested in extremism in the Czech Republic. Besides, the thesis and the observed results could be used as a source of information to improve general knowledge about the scene of extremism and about the problems pertaining to the scene in the Czech Republic.

Our aim with this paper is to study the debate concerning the refusal of entry of the two Egyptians and the involvement of USA, to see if the Swedish sovereignty has been compromised. We have chosen two theories, realism and radicalism, to read if opinions can be identified of supporting one of them. The empiricism we selected are from debate articles in the big news papers Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet and Expressen. We also studied the debate in the Riksdag . The method we used was qualitative and is called analysis of content. The result we could conclude was that most of the debaters are disappointed with how the government handled the whole situation, but still believes that it made the decision on itself. This opinion reflects the theory realism. Further more, we found that the debate in the Riksdag was more diverse in terms of reflecting both of the theories, than the news papers. We also conclude that the debaters preferably would talk about torture and the violation of human rights and not the reason to why the government made that decision.

Este trabalho é sobre idéia de governo no pensamento político do filósofo moral e do direito, radical político e teórico constitucional inglês Jeremy Bentham (1748- 1832). Após uma breve exposição dos principais temas e questões exploradas, bem como, dos respectivos momentos da sua vida intelectual, argumento a favor de que é possível extrair da crítica política e jurídica de Bentham a Blackstone alguns elementos da sua concepção de governo e visão sobre a política. Argumenta-se a favor de certa convergência entre as posições de Bacon e de Bentham com relação aos projetos de reforma penal, concepção de governo, métodos de investigação e ontologia da política. Também, é explorada a sugestão de que tal convergência pode ser explicada em virtude dos princípios filosóficos similares adotados por ambos. A principal conclusão é a de que a linha de interpretação discutida pode fornecer uma melhor compreensão sobre as conexões entre a variedade de assuntos explorados nos escritos jurídicos-políticos de Bentham. / This work is about the idea of the government in the political thought of the English utilitarian moral and legal philosopher, political radical and constitutional theorist Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832). After a brief exposition of the main themes and questions explored by him and the respective moments of his intellectual life, give evidence it is possible to extract from Bentham´s political and juridical criticism to the Blackstone some elements of his government conception and vision about politics. It is argued in favor of some convergence between Bacon´s and Bentham´s positions concerning legal reform projects, government conception, investigation methods, and political ontology; also, the suggestion that it can be explained by their similar philosophical principles is explored. The main conclusion is that the line of the interpretation discussed can provide a better understanding about the connections among the variety of the issues concerning the government theme explored in the Bentham´s juridical-political works.