Hipólito José da Costa se tornou célebre como editor do Correio Braziliense, periódico que publicou durante seu exílio em Londres, de 1808 a 1822. A historiografia mais recente em língua portuguesa tem identificado Hipólito como herdeiro do reformismo ilustrado português, mas o discurso de seu jornal mostra que ele transitava em âmbito bem mais vasto. Esta tese demonstra que o Correio Braziliense estava inserido numa rede textual bastante ampla, de filiação anglo-americana e âmbito transoceânico, cujo principal centro de gravidade e articulação era a capital britânica. Os textos publicados pelo exilado luso-brasileiro entre os anos de 1808 e 1812, período ao qual está circunscrito este trabalho, permitem distinguir com clareza sua filiação a um corpo de ideias que não encontra referências no universo mental da sociedade portuguesa e cujo nexo pode ser localizado no chamado whiggismo, bem como em vertentes mais radicais do pensamento político britânico. / Hipólito José da Costa became renowned as editor of Correio Braziliense, a periodical which he published during his exile in London, from 1808 to 1822. The most recent historiography in Portuguese has identified Hipólito as heir to the Portuguese enlightened reformism, but his publication´s discourse shows that he was moving in much wider circles. This thesis demonstrates that Correio Braziliense was inserted in a very broad textual network, with Anglo-American affiliation and transoceanic extent, whose main center of gravity and articulation was the British capital. The texts published by the Portuguese-Brazilian exile from the years 1808 to 1812, the period which is covered by this work, allows one to clearly distinguish his affiliation with a set of ideas which has no reference to the mental world of the Portuguese society and whose nexus can be found in the so-called whiggism, as well as in more radical aspects of British political thought.

This thesis tells the story of an historical tradition of radical literacy and literature that is defined as the British radical literary tradition. It takes the meaning of literature at its broadest understanding and identifies the literary and educational relations of what E.P. Thompson terms 'the making of the English working class' through its struggle for literacy and freedom. The study traces the developing dialectic of literary radicalism and the emergent hegemony of capitalism through the dissemination of radical ideas in literature and a groundswell of public literacy. The proposed radical tradition is defined by the oppositional stance of its participants, from the radical intellectual's critical texts to the striving for literacy and access to literature by working class people. This oppositional discourse emerged in the fourteenth century concomitant with nascent capitalism and has its literary origins in utopian vision. This nascent utopian imagination conceived a democratic socialism that underpinned the character of much of the following oppositional discourse. The thesis establishes the nexus of the oppositional discourse as a radical literary tradition and the earliest instances of adult education in autodidacticism and informal adult education. The ascent of middle class power through the industrial revolution is shadowed by the corresponding descent of the working class into poverty. Concomitant with this social polarisation is the phenomena of working class literary agency as the means to political and economic agency. While Protestant dissenting groups such as the Diggers and Levellers were revolutionary activists, it was Methodism that formed a bulwark against revolution. Yet it was their emphasis on self-improvement that contributed to an increasingly literate populace. Radical texts produced and disseminated by individuals and organisations and read by autodidactics and informal reading groups are seminal in the formation of a working class identity. Spearheaded by the Chartist movement, education became a central ethic of working class politics and the civil struggle for economic and political justice throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth centuries. The avant garde movements of the early twentieth century are analysed as a strand of this tradition. The narrative of the thesis then moves to the penal colony of Australia and explores the radical literary tradition's development there. Early colonial culture is seen as having a strong impetus towards a developing a native literary expression of the new land. Where conservative colonial literature struggled to differentiate itself from formal British literary models, the radical heritage and its utopian vision of a working man's paradise gave definitive expression to the Australian experience. This expression was strongly influenced by Chartist ideals. The British radical literary tradition is thus seen to have had a dominant influence in the development of a native radical literary tradition that strove to identify the national character. Socialist thought developed in Australia in concert with that in the parent culture, and anarchist and libertarian trends found a ready home amongst independent minded colonials. Yet, in preventing the formation of a native aristocracy the small radical population made a compromise with liberalism that saw a decidedly conservative streak develop in the early labour movement. There were little in the way of sophisticated radical literary offerings at first, but from the mid-nineteenth century a vanguard of radicals produced a thriving native press and other fugitive text forms. At the turn of the century the native radical literary tradition was vibrantly diverse, with a definitive style that claimed literary ownership of the Australian character. However, exhausted by the battles over WWI conscription and isolated by censorship, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was able to subsume the vanguard position from the socialists. The Party laid claim to the Australian radical literary tradition, at once both strengthening it with the discipline of a Marxist ideology and diminishing its independence and diversity. Party literary theory centred upon the issue of class, developing a doctrine of socialist realism that communist writers were expected to practice. How well a writer adhered to socialist realist principles became a measure of their class position and loyalty. Drawing more from primary sources, the thesis develops an analysis of the intellectual development of the Australian post-WWII writer Eric Lambert through his experience of class instability during Depression and war. The study examines Lambert's decision to join the Party and his literary response to his experiences of war, the Party, the turmoil of 1956 and life after the Party. Lambert's body of work is then analysed as the unintentional memoir of a writer working as an adult educator in the radical literary tradition. Lambert's struggles, for artistic independence within the narrow precepts of Party dogma and with class tensions, were common amongst intellectuals committed to the communist cause. Like many of his peers, Lambert resigned from the Party at the end of 1956 and suffered a period of ideological vacuum. However, he continued to write as a Marxian educator, seeking to reveal that which makes us human in the humanity of ordinary people. It is concluded that, while the Party did much to foster disciplined cohesion, the mutual distrust it generated amongst its intellectuals suppressed the independent thought that had kept the radical literary tradition alive. Although the Party developed an ideological strength within the radical literary tradition, its dominance over thirty years and subsequent fall from grace acted to fragment and discredit that centuries-old tradition which it subsumed. An argument is made for a reinvestment of the centrality of the radical literary tradition in the education of adults for the maintenance of social justice and the democratic project.

This thesis analyses Fyodor Dostoyevsky's discussion of individual radicalisation and terrorism in three of his major novels: Notes from Underground, Crime and Punishment and The Devils. Whilst the issues of radical ideology and terrorism have often been independently discussed by Dostoyevsky scholars, little attention has been devoted to the study of the process of radicalisation undergone by Dostoyevsky's protagonists, whereby the extreme fulfilment of radical ideals culminates in political violence. This investigation traces the evolution of Dostoyevsky's individual in the context of the radically changing socio-political environment of nineteenth-century Russia. The development of this individual will be examined throughout the novels as he initially questions, and is hostile to, radical ideology, gradually embraces its tenets and tests its validity through the use of violence and eventually engages in terrorist activity. Dostoyevsky felt himself impotent in the face of the gradual assimilation of utilitarian, materialistic and nihilist ideals by the new generation of Russian intellectuals. In the emulation of Western revolutionary culture, he came to see a threat to Russian nationhood, to true Russian identity and to traditional Russian values such as Orthodox Christianity. In his novels he sought to examine and question the ideologies of leading theorists influenced by Western radical thought; ideologies that he believed were flawed, deceptive and contradictory. This study focuses on the development of the themes of radicalisation and terrorism in the three chosen novels. Emphasis is laid on the devastating impact of radical ideology and terrorist activity on the individual.

In the 1880s, capitalism as a social and economic system integrated new geographic areas of the American continent. The construction of the Duluth & Iron Range Railroad (D&IR), financed by a group of Philadelphia investors led by Charlemagne Tower and later owned by the US Steel was part of this emerging political economy based on the exploitation of human and material resources. Migrant labor was in demand as it came cheap and, generally, floated between various construction-sites on the “frontier” of capitalism. The Swedish immigrants were one part of this group of “floaters” during the late 1800s and made up a significant part of the force that constructed and worked on the D&IR between the 1880s and the 1920s. This book deals with power relations between groups based on class and ethnic differences by analyzing the relationship between the Anglo-American bourgeois establishment and the Swedish and other immigrant workers and their children on the D&IR and in the railroad town of Two Harbors, Minnesota. The Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony in Minnesota, to a large extent, dictated the conditions under which Swedish immigrants and others toiled and were allowed access to American society. I have therefore analyzed the structural subordination and gradual integration of workers and, in particular, immigrant workers, in an emerging class society. The book also deals with the political and the cultural opposition to Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony that emerged in Two Harbors and that constructed a radical public sphere during the 1910s. In this process, new group identities based on class and ethnicity emerged in the working class neighborhoods in the wake of the capitalist expansion and exploitation, and as a result of worker agency. Building on traditions of political insurgency an alliance of immigrant workers, particularly Swedes, Anglo skilled workers and parts of the local petty bourgeoisie rose to a position of political and cultural power in the local community. This coalition was held together by the language of class that became the basis of a local multi-ethnic working class identity laying claim to its own version of Americanism. The period of preparedness leading up to the Great War, the war itself, and its aftermath, produced a reaction from the Anglo American bourgeoisie which resulted in a profound change in the public sphere as a coalition between “meliorist middle class reformers”, represented primarily by the YMCA and local church leaders and the D&IR and its program of welfare capitalism launched a broad program to counter socialism locally, and to forge new social bonds that would cut across class lines and ethnic boundaries. By this process, the ethnic working class in Two Harbors was offered entry into American society by acquiring citizenship and by their inclusion in a broader civic community undifferentiated by class. But this could only be realized by the workers’ adoption of an Anglo-American national identity based on identification with corporate interests, a new local solidarity that cut across class lines and a white racial identity that diminished the significance of ethnic boundaries. By these means the Swedish immigrants, or at least a portion of them, became Americans on terms established by the D&IR and its class allies.

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“The Proletarian Prometheus: Socialism, Ethnicity, and Revolution at the Lakehead, 1900-1935” is an analysis of the various socialist organizations operating at the Canadian Lakehead (comprised of the twin cities of Port Arthur and Fort William, Ontario, now the present-day City of Thunder Bay, and their vicinity) during the first 35 years of the twentieth century. It contends that the circumstances and actions of Lakehead labour, especially those related to ideology, ethnicity, and personality, worked simultaneously to empower and to fetter workers in their struggles against the shackles of capitalism. The twentieth-century Lakehead never lacked for a population of enthusiastic, energetic and talented left-wingers. Yet, throughout this period the movement never truly solidified and took hold. Socialist organizations, organizers and organs came and went, leaving behind them an enduring legacy, yet paradoxically the sum of their efforts was cumulatively less than the immense sacrifices and energies they had poured into them. Between 1900 and 1935, the region's working-class politics was shaped by the interaction of ideas drawn from the much larger North Atlantic socialist world with the particularities of Lakehead society and culture. International frameworks of analysis and activism were of necessity reshaped and revised in a local context in which ethnic divisions complicated and even undermined the class identities upon which so many radical dreams and ambitions rested. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2007-12-14 20:26:40.652

[pt] Este trabalho interpela Raízes do Brasil e sua fortuna crítica mais recente, orientando-se pelo fio da polêmica a respeito do significado democrático e radical que Antonio Candido leu na mensagem do livro. O objetivo da dissertação é contribuir para o debate sobre a autenticidade dessa leitura, seja em referência ao próprio ensaio de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, seja aludindo ao comentário de Antonio Candido. / [en] This dissertation addresses Raízes do Brasil and its most recent critical fortune, regarding the democratic and radical meaning that Antonio Candido read on the book s message. Our purpose is to contribute to the debate over the authenticity of this reading, in relation to the essay itself or to the correspondent commentary.

Hipólito José da Costa se tornou célebre como editor do Correio Braziliense, periódico que publicou durante seu exílio em Londres, de 1808 a 1822. A historiografia mais recente em língua portuguesa tem identificado Hipólito como herdeiro do reformismo ilustrado português, mas o discurso de seu jornal mostra que ele transitava em âmbito bem mais vasto. Esta tese demonstra que o Correio Braziliense estava inserido numa rede textual bastante ampla, de filiação anglo-americana e âmbito transoceânico, cujo principal centro de gravidade e articulação era a capital britânica. Os textos publicados pelo exilado luso-brasileiro entre os anos de 1808 e 1812, período ao qual está circunscrito este trabalho, permitem distinguir com clareza sua filiação a um corpo de ideias que não encontra referências no universo mental da sociedade portuguesa e cujo nexo pode ser localizado no chamado whiggismo, bem como em vertentes mais radicais do pensamento político britânico. / Hipólito José da Costa became renowned as editor of Correio Braziliense, a periodical which he published during his exile in London, from 1808 to 1822. The most recent historiography in Portuguese has identified Hipólito as heir to the Portuguese enlightened reformism, but his publication´s discourse shows that he was moving in much wider circles. This thesis demonstrates that Correio Braziliense was inserted in a very broad textual network, with Anglo-American affiliation and transoceanic extent, whose main center of gravity and articulation was the British capital. The texts published by the Portuguese-Brazilian exile from the years 1808 to 1812, the period which is covered by this work, allows one to clearly distinguish his affiliation with a set of ideas which has no reference to the mental world of the Portuguese society and whose nexus can be found in the so-called whiggism, as well as in more radical aspects of British political thought.

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