by Eric Kwan-wai Yu. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 250-264). / Preface --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 1 --- "A Portrait of the Romantic as a Solipsist The ""Romantic Revolt,"" Lyricism and Selfhood" --- p.9 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Romantic Alienation Reconsidered --- p.38 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Burdens of the Past The Poetic Vocation and Elitist Leanings --- p.83 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- "Wordsworth's and Coleridge's Early Poetry Sensibility, Radical ism and Reception" --- p.121 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- "Egotism Established The Reception of Wordsworth's Poems (1807) and the General Attack on the ""Lake School""" --- p.153 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- "Egotism Transformed Hazlitt's Criticism, the Acceptance of Wordsworth, and Twentieth-Century Romantic Scholarship" --- p.195 / Notes --- p.224 / Works Cited --- p.250

This thesis focuses on Hubert Henry Harrison (1883-1927), a Caribbean-born journalist, educator, and community organizer whose historical restoration requires us to expand the frame of Black radicalism in the twentieth century. Harrison was the first Black leader of the Socialist Party of America to articulate a historical materialist analysis of the "Negro question", to organise a Black-led Marxist formation, and to systematically and publicly challenge the party's racial prejudices. In a time of urbanization, migration, lynching, and segregation, he subsequently developed the World War I-era New Negro movement by spearheading its first organisation, newspaper, nation-wide congress, and political party. Harrison pioneered a new form of anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, coloured internationalism. He also inaugurated the socio-cultural tradition of street corner speaking in Harlem, which formed the institutional basis for developing a wide-ranging, working-class, community-based, Black modernist intellectual culture. His people-centred and mass-movement-oriented model of leadership catalysed the rise to prominence of Marcus Garvey and the Garvey movement. Meanwhile, Harrison's African identity and epistemology positioned him to establish an African-centred street scholar tradition in Harlem that endures to this day. Despite Harrison's wide-ranging influence on a whole generation of Black leaders from W.E.B. Du Bois to A. Philip Randolph, his impact and legacy have been largely forgotten. As a result, unearthing and recovering Harrison requires us to rethink multiple histories - the white left, the New Negro movement, Garveyism, the "Harlem Renaissance" - which have marginalized him. Harrison figured centrally in all of these social movements, so restoring his angle of vision demonstrates previously invisible connections, conjunctures, and continuities between disparate and often segregated currents of intellectual and political history. It also broadens the spectrum of Black emancipatory possibilities by restoring an example that retains much of its relevance today.

Between 1818 and 1824, radical printer and publisher Richard Carlile made a determined effort to disseminate copies of Thomas Paine's banned text The Age of Reason in England. Despite strict censorship laws and harsh legal penalties used to curtail previous publishers of this title, Carlile employed a number of creative techniques that kept Paine's deistic writings in print and in circulation during the Regency period. These included republishing public domain court documents when he was charged with seditious libel and reading The Age of Reason in its entirety into testimony during his trial, making it part of the public record. Copied from trial transcripts and reprinted in cheap pamphlet form, Carlile's editions of The Age of Reason would sell an impressive 20,000 copies in these formats. He managed to provide wide-scale access to a work that had been suppressed by the British government since its original publication in 1794. My paper argues that Carlile's approach to subverting Regency-era censorship of The Age of Reason provided an early test for the recognition of the public domain in British law. Instead of continuing to suppress this text, the British government acknowledged the public's right to read the text in this format, allowing Carlile to use his own court documents to continue its publication. This event paved the way for recognition of the public ownership of texts and access to public records in nineteenth-century British print culture.

Les œuvres de John Dos Passos [1896-1970] sont souvent étudiées à l’aune – ou à l’ombre – de son parcours politique. L’enjeu de cette thèse est de revenir sur ce lien entre fiction et politique, en partant non plus des positions politiques de l’auteur mais des œuvres elles-mêmes, pour analyser si et en quoi la fiction peut se faire politique. Des romans de jeunesse aux œuvres de la maturité [notamment Manhattan Transfer et la trilogie U.S.A.], Dos Passos construit sa critique politique, fondée sur la remise en cause du récit linéaire. Il remplace la « destinée manifeste » de l’Amérique par le portrait des « deux nations » qui la composent, et travaille le genre du roman pour le défaire de sa dimension providentielle. En mettant à l’épreuve l’intrigue, le protagoniste et la temporalité, il inscrit cette critique politique au cœur même de l’écriture, et invite à porter un nouveau regard sur les œuvres politiques de l’entre-deux-guerres, et sur les liens entre modernisme et radicalisme, dénoués par la critique de la Guerre Froide. Ses œuvres mettent en scène la difficulté de construire une littérature protestataire dans un pays fondé sur des idéaux démocratiques. Plutôt qu’un perpétuel retour au mythe des origines, cependant, elles mettent en place un véritable dialogue avec les textes fondateurs, dialogue au sein duquel la fiction fait peu à peu émerger, entre les lignes, le non-dit du politique / The novels of John Dos Passos [1896-1970] are often analyzed with reference to his politics. This dissertation aims to recast the link between politics and fiction in his work, starting from the texts themselves rather than from the author’s political pronouncements, to see how fiction itself can become political. Dos Passos’s political criticism built up progressively throughout his career, from his early fiction to the crowning success of U.S.A., and rested on a criticism of linear narrative. He went against America’s “manifest destiny” to portray a divided country, made up of “two nations", and rooted his political criticism within the genre of the novel itself. By undermining the concepts of plot, protagonist and temporality, he created a form of political fiction where politics are an integral part of writing, rather than an imposition upon it. Dos Passos thus invites us to cast a new glance at the interwar period, and at the links – severed by Cold War criticism – between modernism and radicalism. His works bear witness to the difficulty of writing protest in a land of consensus; however, rather than resorting to a tempting return to the myth of origins, they enact a dialogue with the founding texts, through which fiction progressively reveals how the nation’s political – and textual – foundation rests on gaps and omissions

La carrière d’I.F. Stone (1907‐1989) le place en témoin privilégié des grands événements du XXe siècle. Par‐delà le sacro‐saint principe d’objectivité comme neutralité, ce journaliste politique indépendant s’implique personnellement dans les grandes causes radicales de la gauche américaine et internationale, d’abord au sein de la Old Left des années 1930 et 1940, puis contre le maccarthysme et la guerre froide dans les années 1950, et enfin, aux côtés de la jeunesse radicale de la New Left dans les années 1960 et 1970. À la fois observateur et participant, Stone favorise une méthode d’investigation proche de celle des muckrakers du tournant du XXe siècle, en particulier dans les pages de son propre journal I.F. Stone’s Weekly (1953‐1971), dans le but de révéler les discours mensongers du pouvoir et de dynamiser le débat démocratique. À travers l’étude du parcours d’I.F. Stone, cette thèse revêt un double enjeu : il s’agit d’abord de rendre compte d’une carrière restée en marge des récits historiques et marquée à la fois par le radicalisme et l’indépendance. Puis, parce qu’elle est jalonnée d’étapes constitutives de l’expérience radicale, l’historicisation de ce parcours permet de restaurer les aspects de continuité et de cohérence d’un engagement à la fois individuel et collectif, bien souvent présenté de façon tronquée. Grâce à une perspective enrichie par l’observation des réseaux militants proches de Stone, l’expérience formatrice des années 1930 résonne jusque dans les années 1960, confirmant au passage l’existence d’une résistance politique opposée au maccarthysme et au conformisme des années 1950. / The career of I.F. Stone (1907‐1989) placed him at the center of the great events of the 20th century. Questioning American journalism’s equation of objectivity with neutrality, this independent political reporter was personally involved in all the great left‐wing, radical struggles both in the US and internationally. He was part of the Old Left of the 1930s and 1940s, an opponent of McCarthyism and the Cold War in the 1950s, and finally stood alongside the radical youth of the New Left in the 1960s and 1970s. Playing the role both of an observer and of a participant, Stone favored an investigation method similar to that used by the muckrakers at the beginning of the 20th century, especially in his own newspaper, I.F. Stone’s Weekly (1953‐1971). His goal was to expose the government’s fibs and lies, and energize the democratic debate. By studying I.F. Stone’s trajectory, this dissertation attempts to chart a career that has been kept on the margins of historical discourse, and which was characterized by both radicalism and independence. The dissertation also places Stone’s contribution in the constitutive stages of the radical experience in the U.S. The historicization of Stone’s career allows us to restore key elements of continuity and consistency to a set of political commitments which were both individual and collective, and often depicted in a disconnected manner. Our perspective is enriched by the analysis of militant networks Stone related to, revealing that the formative experience of the 1930s continued to resonate through the 1960s, marking a political resistance to McCarthyism and the conformism of the 1950s.

Cette thèse étudie un corpus de romans anglais, encore peu étudiés en France et jamais étudiés collectivement, publiés entre 1782 et 1805 par des écrivains et des écrivaines se rattachant par leurs idées et, pour certains, leur militantisme actif, au mouvement radical qui se développe en Angleterre dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle, s’amplifie et s’organise sous l’impulsion de la Révolution française, puis, sévèrement réprimé par le gouvernement de William Pitt, s’effondre à la fin de la décennie. Cette séquence historique laisse des traces profondes dans l’œuvre des romanciers radicaux, dont beaucoup, comme William Godwin, Mary Wollstonecraft et John Thelwall, sont philosophes ou polémistes avant d’être romanciers et prennent la plume pour défendre les droits de l’homme (et de la femme) dans le débat anglais sur la Révolution française qui oppose Edmund Burke à Thomas Paine. En croisant l’histoire des idées politiques, l’histoire sociale et culturelle du mouvement radical, l’histoire du livre et la narratologie classique, ce travail s’efforce de mettre en lumière la façon dont les romans encodent une certaine idéologie politique dans leurs formes – du discours des locuteurs au format de publication des romans, en passant par leurs narrateurs, leurs intrigues, leurs personnages, leur style et leurs silences signifiants. Un tel examen fait ressortir, plutôt qu’une idéologie radicale unifiée, une tension récurrente entre deux versions, libérale et jacobine, bourgeoise et plébéienne, du radicalisme, dont l’articulation conflictuelle revêt différentes formes d’un auteur à l’autre et d’un terme à l’autre de la période étudiée, à mesure que la réaction conservatrice enterre les espoirs radicaux de réformes. / This dissertation examines a corpus of English novels which have been little studied in France as yet and never as a whole. The novels were published between 1782 and 1805 by a group of writers who, by their ideas and in some cases active political commitment, belong to the radical movement which developed in England in the second half of the eighteenth century, gained impetus and structure in the wake of the French Revolution, and collapsed at the end of the decade when faced with repression from the government of William Pitt. Radical novelists, many of whom, like William Godwin, Mary Wollstonecraft and John Thelwall, were philosophers and pamphleteers before they took to novel-writing, flew to the defence of the rights of man (and of the rights of woman) in the revolution controversy which pitted Thomas Paine against Edmund Burke – and their work bears the mark of the rise and demise of the radical movement. Combining intellectual history with classical narratology, book history, and the social and cultural history of radicalism, this dissertation seeks to highlight the way in which political ideology is built into the very forms of the novels – in the characters’ speech and the characters themselves, in the novels’ plot and narration type, in their style and publishing format, as well as in their meaningful silences. Such a study brings to light, rather than a coherent radical ideology, a recurring tension between two versions of radicalism, liberal and jacobin, bourgeois and plebeian, whose partly conflicting conjunction assumes different shapes from one novelist to the other and between the early 1780s and late 1790s, as radical hopes of reform sink under the conservative backlash.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 484-511)

<p>Through the collection and analysis of negotiations surrounding the gay magazine Destroyer, the intention of this paper is to identify norms of sexuality within a contemporary sex-radical discourse. These negotiations are collected from interviews with individuals whom, at the time of the inter-view, consider themselves or their politics sex-radical. In order to allow for a more general under-standing of the context in which these negotiations have come about, material about Swedish law is also included in this text, together with the interview material, and serves as a base for analysis through the application of Gayle Rubin’s theory on the hierarchical value system of sexuality.</p><p>Following, are the main themes throughout the paper: The meaning of the context; Sexualized children; The possibility to (not) participate: differences of power; The decision whether or not to sell the publication and The position of the pedophile and crossgenerational love/sexuality within the LGBTQ community.</p><p>Key words: sex radicalism, pornography, boy-love, kiddy porn, pedophilia, Destroyer, Gayle Rubin.</p>

<p>This thesis deals with the National Society Against Emigration (Sw.Nationalföreningen mot emigrationen) – referred to as the NE – and its radical right-wing leader Adrian Molin. Th e NE was founded in 1907 in order to stem the tide of emigration from Sweden and facilitate re-immigration by providing jobs and accomodation. Its many bureaus served as employment offi ces, land distribution centres and own-your-own-home companies, mainly aimed at creating smallholdings for Swedish working-class families.</p><p>The purpose of the study is to investigate the organization, concept and practise of the internal colonization of rural Sweden between 1907 and 1925. By following both the successes and setbacks of the NE during the first decades of the twentieth century, ideas and opportunities circulating in Swedish society in a time of wide-ranging ideological and material change are discussed. Questions in focus include why a society to prevent</p><p>emigration from Sweden emerged at that particular time; the function it served for both society and the state; the form internal colonization actually took and how it was conducted in comparison with other governmental and private agricultural reforms; and the attitude of the NE toward modernization in general. Theoretically the dissertation takes its point of departure in theories on nation-building and internal colonization (i.e., the establishment of small-scale farming and the cultivation of new land within the national borders), corporatism and attitudes toward modernization. The ideological analysis has been inspired by political scientist Michael Freeden´s theory of the construction of political ideologies via political concepts, as well as an analysis of the view of social categories such as gender, class and ethnicity. The source material is comprised of magazines, newspaper articles, letters and books and offi cial parliamentary publications. The practise of internal colonization has been studied with the aid of preserved accounts of the NE’s small-scale farming colonies, real estate documents, company reports, correspondance and further press materials.</p><p>The surge of anti-emigration attitudes is explained as a powerful reaction arising at the turn of the century due to the economic upswing in Swedish industry and the social transformations which followed in the 1890s, when the country was seen as a nation with a promising future. That Adrian Molin founded the NE in 1907 is viewed as a consequence of his nationalistic thought. Together with political scientist Prof. Rudolf Kjellén, Molin was one of the country´s foremost advocates of an integrative nationalism.</p><p>The NE was led by an elite of middle- and upper-class men involved in politics, industry and voluntary associations. Female members and representatives of the lower social classes were mostly absent. In general the NE neglected women in both speeches and plans, being preoccupied with ideas concerning the cultivation of middle-class Swedish men.</p><p>The NE became a co-actor in a corporative colonization eff ort sanctioned by government financing during the 1910s. In 1920 the NE’s projects were condemned as hierarchical and undemocratic in comparison with other own-home organizations. Many other own-home companies were built on a cooperative foundation,</p><p>while the NE was run by a national, regional, and local political and financial elite. Suspicions were raised about the raison d´être of the society. The state withdrew its subsidies and loans, and the NE lost it close connections with the government. Though conservative and reactionary in social issues, the NE cannot be characterized as critical of civilization or economic modernization of the country. Its programme intended to aid in the development</p><p>of both agriculture and industry. The creation of more smallholdings would help bridge the problematic transition between two systems, from agrarian to industrial society.</p>

This thesis deals with the National Society Against Emigration (Sw.Nationalföreningen mot emigrationen) – referred to as the NE – and its radical right-wing leader Adrian Molin. Th e NE was founded in 1907 in order to stem the tide of emigration from Sweden and facilitate re-immigration by providing jobs and accomodation. Its many bureaus served as employment offi ces, land distribution centres and own-your-own-home companies, mainly aimed at creating smallholdings for Swedish working-class families. The purpose of the study is to investigate the organization, concept and practise of the internal colonization of rural Sweden between 1907 and 1925. By following both the successes and setbacks of the NE during the first decades of the twentieth century, ideas and opportunities circulating in Swedish society in a time of wide-ranging ideological and material change are discussed. Questions in focus include why a society to prevent emigration from Sweden emerged at that particular time; the function it served for both society and the state; the form internal colonization actually took and how it was conducted in comparison with other governmental and private agricultural reforms; and the attitude of the NE toward modernization in general. Theoretically the dissertation takes its point of departure in theories on nation-building and internal colonization (i.e., the establishment of small-scale farming and the cultivation of new land within the national borders), corporatism and attitudes toward modernization. The ideological analysis has been inspired by political scientist Michael Freeden´s theory of the construction of political ideologies via political concepts, as well as an analysis of the view of social categories such as gender, class and ethnicity. The source material is comprised of magazines, newspaper articles, letters and books and offi cial parliamentary publications. The practise of internal colonization has been studied with the aid of preserved accounts of the NE’s small-scale farming colonies, real estate documents, company reports, correspondance and further press materials. The surge of anti-emigration attitudes is explained as a powerful reaction arising at the turn of the century due to the economic upswing in Swedish industry and the social transformations which followed in the 1890s, when the country was seen as a nation with a promising future. That Adrian Molin founded the NE in 1907 is viewed as a consequence of his nationalistic thought. Together with political scientist Prof. Rudolf Kjellén, Molin was one of the country´s foremost advocates of an integrative nationalism. The NE was led by an elite of middle- and upper-class men involved in politics, industry and voluntary associations. Female members and representatives of the lower social classes were mostly absent. In general the NE neglected women in both speeches and plans, being preoccupied with ideas concerning the cultivation of middle-class Swedish men. The NE became a co-actor in a corporative colonization eff ort sanctioned by government financing during the 1910s. In 1920 the NE’s projects were condemned as hierarchical and undemocratic in comparison with other own-home organizations. Many other own-home companies were built on a cooperative foundation, while the NE was run by a national, regional, and local political and financial elite. Suspicions were raised about the raison d´être of the society. The state withdrew its subsidies and loans, and the NE lost it close connections with the government. Though conservative and reactionary in social issues, the NE cannot be characterized as critical of civilization or economic modernization of the country. Its programme intended to aid in the development of both agriculture and industry. The creation of more smallholdings would help bridge the problematic transition between two systems, from agrarian to industrial society.