This research paper aims to examine how local boroughs in the South suburbs of Stockholm work with matters relating to radicalism and violent extremism with roots in white power environments and Islam. The paper will look at the different challenges faced by the local Boroughs in tackling the problems in the future. The empirical material that forms the basis of this paper have been collected through semi structured interviews with local coordinators employed by three different boroughs within the South suburbs of Stockholm. The theoretical framework of the study is formed by a typological model that comprises different kinds of crime prevention exercises with backgrounds in superordinate values. The empirical material has been analyzed in relation to crime prevention as a societal phenomenon depending on what preventive method has been given the timely aspect related to primary, secondary or tertiary prevention. Results show that radicalism and violent extremism are phenomenon with substantial complexity, according to all participating coordinators, white power environments tend to be significantly more violent in their behaviour and serves as the primary local threat whereas activities relating to radical Islam is more limited. The coordinators speak about the necessity to work for an inclusive society rather than controlling which risks stigmatizing the individuals who could be considered in an already weak and resource scarce situations. The study show that the boroughs dominant prevention mechanisms are formed of structural and socialization prevention methods rather than effective reduction and/or controlling prevention. / Denna studie syftar till att undersöka hur kommuner i Stockholm söderort arbetar med frågor som rör sig kring radikalisering och våldsbejakande extremism rörande vit makt-miljöer och islamistisk extremism samt vilka utmaningar som deltagande kommuner uppger föreligga i framtiden. Det empiriska underlag som studien innefattas av är inhämtat genom semi-strukturella intervjuer med samordnare inom tre olika kommuner i Stockholm söderort.   Studiens teoretiska ramverk utgörs delvis av olika typer av en typologisk modell som innefattar olika typer av brottspreventiva åtgärder och hur dessa typer utgörs med bakgrund av olika överordnade värden. Studiens empiriska material är analyserat i anknytning till brottsprevention som samhällsfenomen i sig samt vilket avseende som preventiva åtgärder utgör i relation till insatsens tidsaspekt-primär/sekundär/tertiär prevention.   Studiens resultat redogör att radikalisering och våldsbejakande extremism är ett komplext fenomen. Samtliga samordnare som deltagit i studien poängterar för vit makt-miljöer som den våldsbejakande miljö som utgör det primära hotet i kommunerna samt att vetskapen gällande aktiviteter av islamistiska extremist-miljöer är mer begränsad. Samordnarna belyser nödvändigheten att arbeta för ett inkluderande samhälle som ska förebygga utanförskap snarare än kontrollutövande insatser som riskerar att stigmatisera individer som redan är i en resurssvag position.   Studien visar på att kommuners dominerande preventionsåtgärder utgörs av struktur och- socialisationsåtgärder snarare än effektiviseringsåtgärder och/eller kontrollåtgärder.

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Bc. Lenka Loučková 2015/2016 Impact of the economic crisis on the position of Dutch Freedom party towards the European Union Abstract This thesis focuses on the relationship between the economic crisis and the attitude of the Dutch radical right populist Freedom Party (PVV) towards the European Union (EU). The aim of this thesis is to determine whether the economic crisis influenced the opinion of PVV on the EU in a negative way and whether it caused the shift of the party in the categorization of attitudes towards the EU by Petr Kopecky and Cas Mudde. The research also aims at contributing to the wider discussion about the nature of right radicalism, populism and Euroscepticism in the EU by pointing to the similarities and differences between PVV and other European parties belonging to the radical right populist family. The time frame of the research starts with the origins of the party in the year 2005 and ends with the last important elections that PVV participated in, the European Parliament elections in 2014. Election manifestos, as well as official statements of the party and its representatives on the Internet and in the media are used for the analysis. The research itself is focusing on three areas: EU's institutional setup and the direction of European integration; issues related to movement of...

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This thesis focuses on publishing projects developed by Guillermo Deisler, Felipe Ehrenberg, Ulises Carrión, and Mirtha Dermisache between the 1960s and 1980s in Latin America and Europe, a period marked by the expansion of new mass media and an expectation of political radicalism in Latin America and Europe. By taking charge of the entire publication process, these authors established circulation networks that sought to circumvent institutional frameworks, redefining fundamental concepts for the modern aesthetic code such as author, reception, and work. This thesis argues, however, that this redefinition was not exempt from concessions and negotiations with the cultural, commercial, or political institutions to which, in principle, they opposed. Through an analysis focused on the material aspects of the various publications, my research conceives the technologies used and hinted in the production of these works – the manual platen press, the mimeograph, the typewriter, handwriting – as the place where a series of contradictions linked to the relationship between culture, institutions, and technology materialize. Against the common interpretation of using these devices and techniques as an anti-institutional gesture, the three chapters of this manuscript examine the office origin of these technologies to compare these projects with writing and printing practices that remained excluded from the literary, artistic and publishing market spheres. I conceive these technologies as transaction vehicles, where the limits between what enters and what is excluded from culture are constantly reimagined, and, at the same time, as bureaucratic phantasms, that is, as the imaginary scripts that the authors elaborate to “work out” the anxieties generated by modernizing processes at different levels of culture. In these projects, the office thus evokes bureaucratic values such as productivity, individualism, and commodification, which permeate them both as object of rejection and desire, of aversion and fascination, without a sharp cut between one approximation and the other.

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This dissertation describes a movement I am calling Radical Social Activism that flourished among Catholic women between the years 1920-1960. The Catholic women participating did not abandon their Church's teachings on women but worked within the androcentric Catholic Church to achieve some lasting results as Radical Social Activists. This Radical Social Activism worked in the lives of Dorothy Day, Maisie Ward, and Dorothy Dohen, three women who retained a firm attachment to the Catholic faith and who would not align themselves with the incipient feminism of the times, but who, nevertheless, strove for social change and justice without regard for political or social recognition. Their work was radical because they were not complacent with the status quo and worked to change it. Their work was social because they ignored Church politics and reached outside their individual egos. And their work was definitely action oriented in that they practiced their beliefs rather than simply preach them. Few Catholic women were involved with the early women's Suffragist movement; the overwhelming majority did not participate in mainstream feminism, in part due to their immigrant background. Women stepped out of the family setting and into active roles in a society that increasingly measured success in terms of economic well being. These role changes produced trade offs in terms of how the family was viewed and it de-emphasized society's spiritual well being. Some of the issues and solutions for women in modern society collided with moral and ethical teachings of the Roman Catholic Church. I have selected three such women who responded with Radical Social Activism, and participated in the American Catholic Church, however, they did not participate in the general feminism of the times. These women, Dorothy Day, Maisie Ward, and Dorothy Dohen, represented in their Radical Social Activism, a feminism of the spirit, as it were, while still remaining within the structure and Magisterium of the Church proper. As women moved into secular society, they made compromises concerning their duties and responsibilities to family. Issues of divorce, birth control, and abortion became popular remedies that helped limit family duties and responsibilities. However, the Catholic Church has always viewed these as problematical and theological challenges to Catholic teaching and has consistently refuted the expediency of these solutions on moral grounds. Yet, if the Church's view on women limits women as feminists have claimed, it did not stop Day, Dohen, and Ward from participating and changing the secular world around them, while still remaining loyal to the teachings of the Catholic Church. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / D.Th. (Church History)

This thesis explores the shifting political culture of inter-war Scotland and Britain via an examination of political identities and practice in Aberdeen, Dundee and Edinburgh. Drawing on the local and national archives of the Labour movement and the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) alongside government records, newspapers, personal testimony and visual sources, relations on the political Left are used as a means to evaluate this change. It is contended that, as a result of the extension of the franchise and post-war fears of a rise in political extremism, national party loyalties came to replace those local political identities, embedded in a sense of class, trade and place, which had previously sustained popular radicalism. This had crucial implications for the conduct of politics, as local customs of popular political participation declined, and British politics came to be defined by national elections. The thesis is structured in two parts. The first section considers the extent to which local identities of class and established provincial understandings of popular democracy came to be identified with an appeal to class sentiment excluded from national political debate. The second section delineates the repercussions this shift had for how and where politics was conducted, as the mass franchise discredited popular traditions of protest, removing politics from public view, and privileging the individual elector. In consequence, the confrontational traditions of popular politics came to be the preserve of those operating on the fringes of politics, especially the CPGB, and, as such, largely disappeared from British political culture. This thesis thus offers an important reassessment of the relationship between the public and politics in modern Britain, of the tensions between local and national loyalties, and of the role of place in the construction of political identities.

Este trabalho é sobre idéia de governo no pensamento político do filósofo moral e do direito, radical político e teórico constitucional inglês Jeremy Bentham (1748- 1832). Após uma breve exposição dos principais temas e questões exploradas, bem como, dos respectivos momentos da sua vida intelectual, argumento a favor de que é possível extrair da crítica política e jurídica de Bentham a Blackstone alguns elementos da sua concepção de governo e visão sobre a política. Argumenta-se a favor de certa convergência entre as posições de Bacon e de Bentham com relação aos projetos de reforma penal, concepção de governo, métodos de investigação e ontologia da política. Também, é explorada a sugestão de que tal convergência pode ser explicada em virtude dos princípios filosóficos similares adotados por ambos. A principal conclusão é a de que a linha de interpretação discutida pode fornecer uma melhor compreensão sobre as conexões entre a variedade de assuntos explorados nos escritos jurídicos-políticos de Bentham. / This work is about the idea of the government in the political thought of the English utilitarian moral and legal philosopher, political radical and constitutional theorist Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832). After a brief exposition of the main themes and questions explored by him and the respective moments of his intellectual life, give evidence it is possible to extract from Bentham´s political and juridical criticism to the Blackstone some elements of his government conception and vision about politics. It is argued in favor of some convergence between Bacon´s and Bentham´s positions concerning legal reform projects, government conception, investigation methods, and political ontology; also, the suggestion that it can be explained by their similar philosophical principles is explored. The main conclusion is that the line of the interpretation discussed can provide a better understanding about the connections among the variety of the issues concerning the government theme explored in the Bentham´s juridical-political works.