O objetivo desta investigação é produzir um guia de referência sobre a música White Power composta por bandas Skinheads brasileiras. Também oferece algumas sugestões metodológicas a respeito da organização de documentação do gênero sonoro, com foco na música. Desenvolvido na forma de um instumento de apoio à pesquisa, este guia está organizado em verbetes identificando as organizações grupusculares criadas por ativistas White Power locais, desde o final da década de 1980 até meados dos anos 2000, as bandas vinculadas a cada organização e os seus respectivos repertórios de canções. / The purpose of this research is to produce a reference guide on the White Power music composed by Skinheads. Also offers some methodological suggestions regarding the organization of sound archives, with a focus on music. Developed as an instrument to support research, this guide is organized into articles identifying grupusculares organizations created by local White Power activists, since the end of the Decade of 1980 to the mid-2000, the bands linked to each organization and their respective repertoires of songs.

In times where acts of extremism are becoming increasingly evident an interest for the individuals who perform such acts has begun to take shape. Most people who engage in extreme organizations tend to eventually leave them, yet there is still uncertainty about why and how people manage to do so. The purpose of this study was to add to the understanding of defection processes from the White Power movement by studying how emotions and relationships contribute to such processes. Using Herbert Blumer's symbolic interactionism as my springboard, and through interviews with nine former White Power activists, the study shows that leaving a White Power organization is divided into a differentiation between why and how activists leave. While disillusionment, guilt and fear tend to be reasons why activists eventually want to leave it is through their interaction with people in the outside community, for instance their children or a police officer, they manage to leave. Meeting with people with immigrant backgrounds was also crucial for the process of leaving the White Power movement, for seven of the respondents such meetings contributed to their deradicalization processes.

This research paper aims to examine how local boroughs in the South suburbs of Stockholm work with matters relating to radicalism and violent extremism with roots in white power environments and Islam. The paper will look at the different challenges faced by the local Boroughs in tackling the problems in the future. The empirical material that forms the basis of this paper have been collected through semi structured interviews with local coordinators employed by three different boroughs within the South suburbs of Stockholm. The theoretical framework of the study is formed by a typological model that comprises different kinds of crime prevention exercises with backgrounds in superordinate values. The empirical material has been analyzed in relation to crime prevention as a societal phenomenon depending on what preventive method has been given the timely aspect related to primary, secondary or tertiary prevention. Results show that radicalism and violent extremism are phenomenon with substantial complexity, according to all participating coordinators, white power environments tend to be significantly more violent in their behaviour and serves as the primary local threat whereas activities relating to radical Islam is more limited. The coordinators speak about the necessity to work for an inclusive society rather than controlling which risks stigmatizing the individuals who could be considered in an already weak and resource scarce situations. The study show that the boroughs dominant prevention mechanisms are formed of structural and socialization prevention methods rather than effective reduction and/or controlling prevention. / Denna studie syftar till att undersöka hur kommuner i Stockholm söderort arbetar med frågor som rör sig kring radikalisering och våldsbejakande extremism rörande vit makt-miljöer och islamistisk extremism samt vilka utmaningar som deltagande kommuner uppger föreligga i framtiden. Det empiriska underlag som studien innefattas av är inhämtat genom semi-strukturella intervjuer med samordnare inom tre olika kommuner i Stockholm söderort.   Studiens teoretiska ramverk utgörs delvis av olika typer av en typologisk modell som innefattar olika typer av brottspreventiva åtgärder och hur dessa typer utgörs med bakgrund av olika överordnade värden. Studiens empiriska material är analyserat i anknytning till brottsprevention som samhällsfenomen i sig samt vilket avseende som preventiva åtgärder utgör i relation till insatsens tidsaspekt-primär/sekundär/tertiär prevention.   Studiens resultat redogör att radikalisering och våldsbejakande extremism är ett komplext fenomen. Samtliga samordnare som deltagit i studien poängterar för vit makt-miljöer som den våldsbejakande miljö som utgör det primära hotet i kommunerna samt att vetskapen gällande aktiviteter av islamistiska extremist-miljöer är mer begränsad. Samordnarna belyser nödvändigheten att arbeta för ett inkluderande samhälle som ska förebygga utanförskap snarare än kontrollutövande insatser som riskerar att stigmatisera individer som redan är i en resurssvag position.   Studien visar på att kommuners dominerande preventionsåtgärder utgörs av struktur och- socialisationsåtgärder snarare än effektiviseringsåtgärder och/eller kontrollåtgärder.

This dissertation uses social movement theory to analyze the emergence, activities and development of subcultures and small groups. The manuscript is comprised of an Introduction followed by three journal articles and one book chapter.  The introduction discusses: 1) the concept of theoretical extension whereby a theory developed for one purpose is adapted to another; 2) it identifies the social movement theories used to analyze subcultures and small groups; 3) it describes the data used in the analyses included here. The data for this work derives from two distinct research projects conducted by the author between 2002 and 2012 and relies on multiple sources of qualitative data. Data collection techniques used include fieldwork, archival research, and secondary data. Paper I uses resource mobilization (RM) theory to analyze the origin, development, and function of White Power music in relation to the broader White Power Movement (WPM). The research identifies three roles played by White Power music: (1) recruit new adherents, (2) frame issues and ideology for the construction of collective identity, (3) obtain financial resources. Paper II gives an overview of the subculture of Freestyle BMX, discussing its origins and developments—both internationally as a wider subcultural phenomenon, and locally, through a three-year ethnographic case study of a subcultural BMX scene known as “Pro Town USA.” Paper III conceptualizes BMX as a social movement using RM theory to identify and explain three different forms of commercialization within this lifestyle sport in “Pro Town.” The work sheds light on the complex process of commercialization within lifestyle sports by identifying three distinct forms of commercialization: paraphernalia, movement, and mass market, and analyses different impacts that each had on the on the development of the local scene.  Findings reveal that lifestyle-sport insiders actively collaborate in each form of commercialization, especially movement commercialization which has the potential to build alternative lifestyle-sport institutions and resist adverse commercial influences. Paper IV refines the small group theory of collaborative circles by: (1) further clarifying its concepts and relationships, (2) integrating the concepts of flow and idioculture, and (3) introducing a more nuanced concept of resources from RM. The paper concludes by demonstrating that circle development was aided by specific locational, human, moral, and material resources as well as by complementary social-psychological characteristics of its members.

Sammanfattning   2016 utnämnde den svenska regeringen en nationell samordnare för att lägga upp en strategi mot våldsbejakande extremism (Regeringskansliet, 2016). Då studien syftar att studera om begreppet terrorism är rasifierat och huruvida terrorism beskrivs med hänsyn till fördomar om människors bakgrund eller ursprung - gör författare en analys kring hur Regering framställt och framställer Våldsbejakande Extremismen. Undersökningen tar sin teoretiska utgångspunkt i Robert Miles (1989) rasifieringsteori, och studien använder en kvalitativ innehållsanalys som metodval. Genom att undersöka offentliga dokument som regeringen publicerat i arbetet mot våldsbejakande extremism konkluderar analys att rasifiering förekommer i användningen av ”terrorism” till följd av att Våldsbejakande islamistisk extremism sammankopplas kulturella- och religiösa föreställningar som inte delar samma värdegrund som Västvärlden.Studiens slutsats är att analysens resultat, som understöds av tidigare forskning, påvisar att den politiska kontexten tar ställning i de olika typerna av våldsbejakande extremism. / Abstract   In 2016, the Swedish Government appointed a national coordinator to set up a strategy against violence-making extremism (Regeringskansliet, 2016). When the study aims at studying whether the concept of terrorism is racially and whether terrorism is described with regard to prejudices about people's background or origin, the author makes an analysis of how Government produces and produces violence-violent extremism. The study takes its theoretical basis in Robert Miles (1989) Theory of Reason, and the study uses a qualitative content analysis as method selection. By examining public documents published by the government in the work on violence-violent extremism, analysis concludes that racism occurs in the use of "terrorism" as a result of violence-violent Islamic extremism interconnecting cultural and religious beliefs that do not share the same value base as the Western world. The study's conclusion is that the results of the analysis, supported by previous research, show that the political context takes a position in the various types of violence-fighting extremism.