Du 11 septembre aux extraterrestres, des camps de concentration américains à l'assassinat de Kennedy, cette thèse a pour objectif d'éclairer sous un angle sociopolitique les fondements, les mécanismes et les enjeux de la pensée conspirationniste aux États-Unis depuis la révolution jusqu'à nos jours. S'il ne s'agit pas de dresser un catalogue exhaustif de toutes les théories du complot en vogue, le but demeure de démontrer que le conspirationnisme est un véritable fait social aux États-Unis, un élément de culture politique et populaire. Cette thèse se propose alors d'étudier les rouages et les origines du conspirationnisme sous trois aspects différents et complémentaires qui forment un triangle. D'abord, sous l'angle factuel, c'est-à-dire en étudiant les thèses du complot relatives à un événement extraordinaire (9/11, assassinat de JFK, etc.). Ensuite, sous l'angle des acteurs du conspirationnisme : les leaders conspirationnistes (LaRouche, Icke, etc.), les citoyens enquêteurs et les boucs-émissaires (communistes, juifs, illuminatis, etc.). Enfin, sous l'angle culturel en mettant en perspective le conspirationnisme avec la culture américaine : l'anti-étatisme, la présence de mafias ou encore le cinéma de masse. / From 9/11 to UFOs, from American concentration camps to the Kennedy's assassination, this dissertation aims to enlighten, through a sociopolitical analysis, the grounds, the mechanics and the goals of the conspiratorial thought in the United States since the Revolution. Even Though it is no question to draw an exhaustive catalog of each and every conspiracy theory, I would stress that conspiracism is part of the American political and popular culture. Then, this dissertation studies the origins and the developments of conspiracism through three complementary focuses. First, a factual approach which dwells on specific conspiracy theories such as the 9/11 attacks or the assassination of Kennedy. Secondly, I will come on the actors of conspiracism : the conspiracist leaders (LaRouche, Icke) the citizens sleuths and the scapegoats (Communists, Jews, Illuminatis). Finally, under a cultural angle, I will outlook conspiracism and the American culture of anti-statism, the presence of mafias or the role of mass-medias.

This thesis is focused on the issue of violence in civil society. Using Charles Tilly's political theory, it attempts to point out that the emergence of collective violence can be well understood by tracing small scale causes (mechanisms), rather than large causes (poverty, extremism etc.). This argument is empirically studied in the context of anti-Roma riots that took place in Šluknov Hook, Czech republic, in the year 2011. The research is based on a broad concept of civil society, which doesn't assume fixed division between civil and uncivil subjects, but works with a number of actors, whose identity is unstable and their acting strategy fluently changes from nonviolent to violent and contra. The data show, that radical actors are generally more prone to use force. However, Tilly's theory provides opportunity to explain their influence on majority through the dynamics of relationships that is studied in this paper. The catalogue of events was created on the basis of news and document analysis and the incidence of theoretically defined mechanisms is identified by process tracing method: Boundary activation between us and them (mainly network-based escalation, signaling spirals), polarization, competitive display, selective retaliation, containment, monitoring, certification/decertification and...

The position of the Roman Catholic Church to Islamic extremism Abstract The present thesis deals with the attitude of the Pope, those spiritual state performing the function in individual institutions of the Holy See, theologians and a selected group of people from the Czech general public Roman Catholic Church to religious extremism, focusing on the ultimate form of extremism - terrorism - of individuals or groups espousing to Islam. Since religious extremism often associated with fundamentalism, radicalism and fanaticism, is the first chapter to analyze the basic characteristics of these concepts, with the emphasis on analyzing the meaning and essence of their grasp. A comparison of them found what they have in common and what they are different. Following the above leads to analysis of how extremism reflect the religious and intellectual personalities of islam, with attached description and comparison of the attitudes of these figures, and militant-minded muslims to the jihad by the sword "al-džihád bi̕ s-sajf". In connection with this armed form of jihad work briefly compares the concept of martyrdom in islam and the roman catholic church and the result in the summary analyses. It is also a brief look into the history of religious extremism, as an integral part of the development of Christianity and...

right assailants within the past five years. The thesis uses David Rapoport's seminal theory political pressures. Therefore, using Rapoport's measurement criteria, the project focuses on methods empirical analysis, the thesis contends that the data's common themes and patterns fulfil Rapoport's distinctive wave conditions within the phenomenon's international nature, the American and European experiences. Therefore, in satisfying Rapoport's conditions and

La tesi analizza le presidenze di Mahmūd Ahmadīnezhād (2005-2013) all’interno del fazionalismo iraniano postrivoluzionario, mettendo in luce gli aspetti caratteristici e peculiari dei cosiddetti ultraradicali. La prospettiva storica che introduce all’Iran contemporaneo attraverso l’analisi dei principali avvenimenti del Novecento, dalla Rivoluzione Costituzionale (1906) alla nascita della Repubblica islamica (1979), affianca un’analisi politica sull’ascesa al potere degli ultraradicali. La tesi esamina le reazioni e le relazioni politiche interne, la rinnovata postura internazionale, le politiche socioeconomiche e l’eredità lasciata dalle presidenze Ahmadīnezhād. È tracciata una panoramica storico-politica sull’esperienza degli ultraradicali per comprendere le cause socioeconomiche e politiche che hanno determinato la loro ascesa, i cambiamenti introdotti all’interno dell’élite postrivoluzionaria e, in ultimo, gli effetti interni e internazionali della loro parabola politica. L’approccio storico si è altresì servito di uno studio dei vocaboli in uso nella letteratura occidentale e dei termini persiani utilizzati per riferirsi al gruppo, al fine di individuare le etichette politiche impiegate e il loro rispettivo valore. Vi è quindi, in definitiva, un’analisi della categoria politica del radicalismo per decretare se, per quali aspetti e secondo quali schemi interpretativi, Ahmadinejad e il suo gruppo di alleati possano essere considerati e interpretati come radicali. / The thesis analyses the presidencies of Mahmūd Ahmadīnezhād (2005-2013) within the post-revolutionary Iranian factionalism, highlighting the characteristics and the peculiar features of the so-called hardliners. The historical perspective introduces the main turning points in contemporary Iran, from the Constitutional Revolution (1906) to the foundation of the Islamic Republic (1979). The political analysis looks therefore at the political ascendancy of the hardliners, the following internal reactions, the renewed international posture, the socio-economic policies and, ultimately, the legacy left by the Ahmadīnezhād presidencies. The aim is to provide a comprehensive overview of the hardlines’ political experience to disclose their domestic and foreign postures and their effect within the post-revolutionary political debate. The thesis also examines the category of radicalism by looking at labels used by both the Western literature and Persian language to refer to the hardliners. This thesis aims to address whether, for which aspects and according to which perspective, Ahmadinejad and his close circle of allies could be considered and interpreted as radicals.

No description available.

[pt] Esta dissertação investiga a construção de negros radicais como ameaça à ordem política global/local, focando-se em dois períodos históricos em que um discurso sobre extremismo negro emergiu nos Estados Unidos. O primeiro corresponde ao final dos anos 1960 e início dos anos 1970, quando o Partido Panteras Negras foi construído como a maior ameaça doméstica à segurança estadunidense; e o segundo, ao final dos anos 2000 e ao decorrer dos anos 2010, quando ativistas e movimentos sociais engajados no combate à violência policial reentraram na lista de ameaças domésticas aos Estados Unidos. Em ambos os contextos históricos, tal processo de construção de ameaça foi, também, informado por discursos sobre outras ameaças racializadas e globais aos Estados Unidos. A segunda metade do século XX foi marcada pela construção do radicalismo negro como ameaça intrinsicamente conectada ao anticomunismo voltado, particularmente, para movimentos de libertação nacional em ex-colônias. No século XXI, a ameaça de radicais negros foi rearticulada de modo a conectá-la com o Terrorismo islâmico. Tais pontuações baseiam-se em uma análise discursivogenealógica que explora registros históricos sobre o extremismo negro feitos por agências policiai. A dissertação aponta para a persistência do enquadramento do radicalismo negro como problema de segurança nos Estados Unidos, ainda que os termos que constroem essa ameaça são transformados globalmente. Assim, o discurso de extremismo negro refere-se à uma ameaça racializadas ao ordenamento político global e local na parte da arquitetura de policiamento estadunidense. / [en] This dissertation investigates the making of black radicals as a threat to the global/local political order, focusing on two historical periods in which a discourse on black extremism emerged in the United States. The first corresponds to the late 1960s and early 1970s, when the Black Panther Party was constructed as the leading domestic threat to the U.S. security; the second, to the late 2000s and 2010s, when activists and social movements engaged in anti-police brutality re-entered the realm of concrete domestic threats to the U.S. In both historical contexts such threat-making processes were also infused with discourses concerning other racialized global threats to the U.S. The second half of the 20th century was marked by the construction of black radicals as a threat intrinsically connected with anticommunism and invested toward national liberation movements in former colonies. In the 21st century, the threat of black radicals is re-articulated into one intimately linked to Islamic terrorism. These claims are based on a discursive genealogical analysis that explores historical records made by policing agencies regarding black extremism. The dissertation points to the persistence of the framing of black radicals as a security problem; within the United States, while the terms for these threat-making processes have been globally re-articulated. Hence, the black extremism discourse simultaneously refers to a racialized threat to the global and local political orders in the perception of the United States policing architecture.

В диссертации исследуется фигура издателя Джозефа Джонсона (1738-1808), который на протяжении всей своей жизни поддерживал интеллектуалов. Его «круг» включал известнейших радикальных авторов, таких как Томас Пейн, так и известнейших английских поэтов, как У. Вордсворд. Автор приходит к выводу о влиянии деятельности издателя на формирование и развитие радикальных идей в Британии конца XVIII века. / The dissertation explores the figure of the publisher Joseph Johnson (1738-1808), who supported intellectuals throughout his life. His "circle" included the most famous radical authors, such as Thomas Paine, and the most famous English poets, such as W. Wordsworth. The author comes to the conclusion about the influence of the publisher's activities on the formation and development of radical ideas in Britain at the end of the XVIII century.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / In pursuit of the objectives of the U.S. National Security Strategy and the National Military Strategy, the U.S. Armed Forces require access to military and logistics facilities overseas to be able to support and sustain its combat power projection. Access to these places translates into capabilities. An American military forward presence in time of peace as well as during a regional crisis lends credibility to U.S. diplomacy. Moreover, access to forward locations is expedient when engaging transnational threats or supporting humanitarian missions, e.g., the South and Southeast Asia tsunami relief operations. This thesis analyzes the political opposition to U.S. military presence in Thailand and the Philippines. The historical context that led to the development of this opposition is examined in detail. The rationale of those who oppose, as well as those who support, American military presence is clearly delineated. By understanding the sensitive political issues, U.S. military planners and operators can adapt base access strategies according to the existing political climate in these two countries. The politics unique to each environment will dictate the combination of "basing" approaches tailored to meet the U.S. military objectives as well as the public diplomacy required to support them. / Major (Select), United States Air Force

Mon travail de thèse analyse les discours journalistiques et syndicalistes durant le processus transitionnel sur l'assembléisme ouvrier. L'objectif est de comprendre comment les mobilisations ouvrières assembléistes ont été domestiquées et subordonnées aux organisations politiques et syndicales de l'opposition démocratique. L'assembléisme ouvrier ne constitue pas un événement anecdotique et la marginalisation des pratiques assembléistes est en partie la conséquence de discours publics qui les discréditent et qui, se faisant, construisent une culture politique démocratique spécifique où le radicalisme ouvrier n'a plus d'espace et dans laquelle les grévistes sont invités à rejeter leurs structures assembléistes pour accepter le monopole de la représentation du social par les syndicats. / My work analyses trade union and journalistic discourses on the role played bay worker's assemblies during the spanish transitional process with the aim of understanding how their mobilisation was subjugatd and subordinated by political organisations and trade unions who were in the opposition to demicratisation. The worker's assemblies were not anecdotal events, and the marginalisation on their meetings was party the consequences of public discourses that deligitimated them. Moreover, the discourses contributed to the construction of a specific political culture wich rejetcs worker radicalism. Thus, worker's were asked to rejetc own democratic structures and accept the monopoly of social representation by the trade unions.