Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / The purpose of this study is to explain the British reaction to the principal events of the French Third Republic from 1870 to 1882, a significant period in Anglo-French relations. Previous historical investigation of these years has placed a disproportionate emphasis on diplomatic records, whereas the sentiments and views of the British nation have not previously been made the subject of a systematic study. The material for this research consists primarily of diaries, letters, biographies, autobiographies, monthly reviews, and newspapers. Each chapter traces the general trend and the variations of public opinion during a particular phase of the Republic's history. Despite the shift of European power from Paris to Berlin as a result of the Franco-Prussian War, the British nation continued its close interest in French affairs. In the eyes of Englishmen, France remained one of the most brilliant and troublesome nations of Europe [TRUNCATED]

My subject is Legitimism in the Third Republic, focusing on the period 1877- 93, namely the period which witnessed both the stabilisation of the Republic and the decline and ultimate failure of Legitimism as a political movement. Legitimism can be read as a local phenomenon, which makes studying it in the local context an obvious approach. I have opted for a comparative study, selecting two contrasting departements in the Midi-Pyrenees, the Haute-Garonne and A veyron. I approach Legitimism as a political culture, examining the ideas and ideology that underpinned Legitimist activity. In particular I investigate the role of myths of the Revolution of 1789 within this political culture, given the context of the 'republican Republic' that took shape 1877-79 and drew explicitly on the Revolution to legitimate itself. I suggest that previous research on Legitimism has seriously underestimated the importance of these myths within the Legitimist movement. My study is centred on an examination of the struggles initiated by the advent of the 'republican Republic': the struggle for republican education, the struggle for republican politics and the struggle for republican symbolism. At all these levels the Legitimist conceptions of society and of the nature of France were challenged. Legitimist mobilisation in the face of these challenges revealed not only their social and political conceptions, but also raised questions about the political strength of Legitimism in the novel context of mass politics. I show the successes and the failures that ensued, the importance of the local dimension and discuss Legitimist engagement in broader reactionary politics, suggesting that standard studies of the French right in this period have neglected nondynastic clerical conservative politics. I conclude by offering a new perspective on the nature of Legitimism.

This thesis discusses the unmaking of republican citizenship in colonial Algeria and the reverberations of this process in the metropole under the Third Republic, as well as demands and contestations by various populations in the colony concerning participation and rights. The attempt to establish a regime of privileges for settlers and to exclude the Muslim majority led politicians, jurists, and administrators to rely on religion and ethnicity as legal criteria to demarcate the boundaries of French citizenship. In their quest to legitimise the political exclusion of the Muslim population, politicians and legal experts from the late nineteenth century onwards portrayed Islam as an immobile and unmodern religion. Reiterated in mainland France whenever the demand for political reform in Algeria was raised, such theories gave rise to the widely-held view that being Muslim was inherently irreconcilable with being French. At the same time, the thesis examines colonial reform movements and moments of asymmetrical negotiation between populations in Algeria and the state on the demarcation of French citizenry. Both the naturalisation of the Algerian Jews and the backlash against it are re-interpreted here to highlight the pivotal role played by the local and the settler populations. In a similar vein, the thesis discusses debates sparked in the early twentieth century by Algerian Muslim campaigns for political rights, debates which yielded alternative visions of participation in the Republic. The failure of such attempts to accommodate religious difference on the eve of collapse of the Third Republic re-affirmed the colonial order in Algeria and the deep imprint it had left on conceptions of French citizenship.

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Thesis advisor: Paul Breines / This dissertation attempts to problematize the question of agency in disciplinary societies by examining the symbolic importance in fin-de-siècle French culture of the abject deviants who were the target of medico-legal discourse in the Third Republic. In particular, I develop three main propositions. First, I am making a broad anthropological claim that the power implicitly given to deviants to establish boundaries between normality and abnormality paradoxically enabled them to shift borders of cleanliness and pollution in public discourse. Whereas others have argued that borderline deviants are powerless in their abjection, I propose the opposite: by giving deviants the power to shape the order of the Third Republic, medico-legal authorities unwittingly gave them precisely that -- enormous power. Second, I contend that this power largely took shape within the context of the rise of consumer society and urban spectacle. Spectacularization and widespread accessibility to information engendered a populace capable of suspicion, resistance, and resignification. Others have interpreted the spectacularization of narratives of deviance as being foisted upon passive consumers lacking intellectual agency and therefore accepting these narratives as the standards for bourgeois behavior. I suggest instead that spectacularization provided the precondition of possibility for the invention of a resistant and even potentially revolutionary populace. Third and finally, I make the claim that those who are seen are also capable of seeing, and hence, of questioning, negotiating, and redefining. Others, particularly those influenced by the work of Michel Foucault, have argued that "the public" was a docile, passive crowd, stripped of agency, helplessly accepting of ideas of republican virtue embodied by medico-legal discourses of deviance and the clinical gaze. In particular, the paradigm of the "panopticon" has perhaps overly influenced notions of bourgeois society. In the panoptic society, being self-conscious of always being (hypothetically) seen, actors police themselves to the point of inaction. I contend that this position assumes the desirability of a "correct" form of behavior to which all others must conform. Therefore, I argue for a very different conception of bourgeois society. If we look not to the panopticon, but rather to venues of spectacularization and consumer culture, we will see that, contrary to the marginalization implied by the panoptic model, deviance was celebrated as a symbol of freedom and release from the deterministic medico-legal gaze and helped to create multiple competing "scopic regimes." As a result, the consumer culture of the grands boulevards was not a sterile, depoliticized world of uncritical engagement defined by passive observation and consumption of spectacle and commodity, but rather a culture that celebrated spectacle as a venue for re-infusing the public sphere with social and political ambiguity against the rigid boundaries erected by the medico-legal discourses of the Third Republic. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

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On December 9, 1905, newspapers announced the French Third Republic had passed the Law on the Separation of the Churches and the State. This law dissolved the complex relationship that had existed between the French state and the Catholic Church and ended the public role of religion. However, while religious conviction seemed to be on the wane within the French metropole, public discourse in the early twentieth century regarding the impending French seizure of Morocco consistently referred to the French populace as “Christians” while the Moroccans were collectively labeled as “Muslim savages.” This thesis argues that the French media, government, and other public figures generated the concept of a “Christian France” in order to underline the moral and civilizational superiority of a supposedly unified French civilization in relation to the inhabitants of Morocco.

This thesis examines the intellectual context of the first international congress of comparative law held in Paris, at the occasion of the 1900 World Fair. In particular, it articulates some of the unstated assumptions that made it possible for the conversation of this congress to unfold as it did. Using methods of conceptual history and discursive analysis, the author shows how this constitutive conversation for the discipline of comparative law drew from many discourses including conversations about the prestige of French legal science, claims to disciplinarity and the corresponding search for a scientific method, the desire to master the processes of legal unification arising from international trade, a concern with ensuring the place of France in the hierarchy of nations in a period of national malaise, and a mission befalling France to civilize the rest of the world. In showing how these different conversations shaped the discourse of the first congress of comparative law, the thesis outlines the ways in which they also participated in (re)shaping deeply entrenched conceptions of legal knowledge and legal scholarship. / Graduate

Entre 1870 et 1939, les relations diplomatiques entre le Saint-Siège et la France sont sans nul doute tumultueuses. La période est marquée à Rome par la fin de l’État pontifical et la perte consécutive de la souveraineté temporelle pour le Saint-Siège en 1870, rétablie sous la forme de l’État de la Cité du Vatican, par la signature des Accords du Latran avec le royaume d’Italie en 1929. En France, le début de la Troisième République se caractérise par un anticléricalisme actif, qui atteint son paroxysme au début du XXe siècle, avec la suppression de l’ambassade de France près le Saint-Siège, suivie de la loi de séparation de 1905, mettant fin au régime concordataire. À la faveur des évènements de la Première Guerre mondiale, un rapprochement s’opère entre la France et le Saint-Siège, concrétisé en 1921 par le rétablissement de relations diplomatiques officielles.L’existence de relations diplomatiques entre deux États a notamment pour objectif de constituer un cadre privilégié pour la menée de négociations. Pendant la Troisième République, les sujets de débat sont nombreux entre les gouvernements français et pontifical. Le caractère juridique a été utilisé comme critère de sélection des affaires. L’étude des modalités de négociation permet de mettre en évidence trois phases chronologiques distinctes, qui dépendent de la combinaison de deux éléments : l’existence ou non de rapports diplomatiques officiels et le cadre juridique – concordataire ou de séparation – qui sert de toile de fond à ces tractations. Pour appréhender de manière pertinente cette évolution des modalités de négociation, il faut déterminer au préalable le cadre institutionnel français et pontifical, décisif pour l’orientation du rapport de forces dans les tractations. Par cette analyse, on constate un rééquilibrage du rapport de forces dans le temps entre la France et le Saint-Siège et une incapacité à rompre de manière absolue les contacts. La variété des intérêts à défendre, en France, à Rome mais aussi plus largement dans le monde, explique que malgré de vives oppositions, la France et le Saint-Siège trouvent toujours un accord. / Between 1870 and 1939, the diplomatic relations between the Holy See and France are obviously hectic. At that time, Roma is marked by the end of the papal State and the consequent loss of the temporal sovereignty for the Holy See in 1870, restored to the State of the Vatican City by the signature of the Lateran treaty in 1929. In France, the beginning of the Third Republic is characterized by an active anticlericalism, which shows a paroxysm at the beginning of the twentieth Century, with the suppression of the French embassy in the Holy See, and then the law of 1905. That cancels the Composition. With the First World War events, a link was made between France and Holy See, materialized in 1921 by the reestablishment of diplomatic relations.The existence of diplomatic relations between two states especially aims at creating a favorable framework to lead negotiations. During the Third Republic, there are numerous debate topics between the French and Papal governments. The legal character has been used as selection criteria for the affairs. The analysis of the negotiation modalities can demonstrate three distinct chronological phases, which depend on the combination of two criteria: the existence or not of official diplomatic relations and the legal bound – composition or separation - which is the backstory of these negotiations. To understand rightly the evolution of the negotiation modalities, we have to fix beforehand the French and Papal institution framework, decisive to turn the battle of wills in bargaining. When running this analysis, we can observe a rebalancing over time of the battle of wills between France and the Holy See and the inability to break completely the relations. The diversity of benefits to protect, in France, at Roma but also and, more widely, in the world, explains that despite strong oppositions, France and Holy See always find an agreement.

O presente trabalho parte da passagem entre a Primeira República brasileira e a democracia de 1945-1964, notadamente, para o surgimento de eleições competitivas e fim das eleições de caráter governista como resultado majoritário entre as disputas eleitorais. Para tanto, a pesquisa parte de uma problematização teórica sobre os requisitos tradicionais para um regime ser considerado democrático, discussão que permeia todas as etapas do trabalho. No campo empírico, partimos de dados em sua maioria inéditos para, além de colocar a diferença entre os dois períodos em termos de padrões de competição, atestar para a continuidade desse fenômeno nas eleições subsequentes. Em seguida, analisamos as eleições de 1947 e mostramos evidências que contribuem para o entendimento do comportamento eleitoral à época, quais sejam, de que o eleitor da democracia nascente não se encontrava livre para a disputa pelo convencimento, ou seja, o quadro era de controle do voto a nível individual gerando incerteza ao nível agregado e, assim, competição. / The present work starts from the passage between the First Brazilian Republic and the democracy of 1945-1964, notably for the emergence of competitive elections and the end of the gubernatorial elections as a major result among the electoral disputes. For this, the research starts from a theoretical problematization about the traditional requirements for a regime to be considered democratic, a discussion that permeates all stages of the work. In the empirical field, we start with data that are mostly unpublished, in order to establish the difference between the two periods in terms of patterns of competition, to attest to the continuity of this phenomenon in subsequent elections. Next, we analyze the 1947 elections and show evidence that contributes to the understanding of electoral behavior at the time, namely, that the voter of the nascent democracy was not \'free\' for the contest for the conviction, that is, the picture was of voting control at the individual level generating uncertainty at the aggregate level and, thus, competition.