The development of concordatarian law from the year 1964 onward The goal of this thesis is the analysis and comparisson of concordatarian law in few select countries. This thesis is mainly focused on the countries of Central Europe (Czech Republic, Slovak Republic, Republic of Poland, Federal Republic of Germany). In order to expand the scope of this thesis, two other countries were chosen. The first one is the Kingdom of Spain, which represents a unique example of a gradual change between the so called traditional concordatarian system and the new and modern system developed after the conclusion of the Second Vatican Council. The second country, that was chosen is the Republic of Colombia as a non-European country with long and interesting history of concordatarian tradition. The thesis itself is divided into two main parts. The first part (composed of the first two chapters) aims to define the basic terms, which are used throughout the entire thesis. Such basic terms as concordat, the subjects of concordatarian agreements, the Holy See and others are defined in the first chapter. Also the international legal personality of the Holy See and its historical development is examined in the same chapter as well. The Second Vatican Council and its teachings had a profound impact on the concordatarian...

The victory of Christian democrats in the parliamentary election of 1948 in Italy was made possible by a cooperation between the Holy See and United States during the pre-election campaign. The thesis presents the outcome of research done on American, but especially on Vatican foreign policy. The foreign policy of Pius XII between 1945 and 1950 had three main features. They were support for European integration, relations with certain European states and fight against communism. A stand of the Holy See on these issues is compared to the American one. The outcome of the analysis is that their foreign policies had some aims in common but that it hardly ever led to cooperation. There were some minor examples of cooperation, but there was none as significant as the one in Italy in 1948. Key words: Holy See, Pius XII, foreign policy, USA, communism, integration

Entre 1870 et 1939, les relations diplomatiques entre le Saint-Siège et la France sont sans nul doute tumultueuses. La période est marquée à Rome par la fin de l’État pontifical et la perte consécutive de la souveraineté temporelle pour le Saint-Siège en 1870, rétablie sous la forme de l’État de la Cité du Vatican, par la signature des Accords du Latran avec le royaume d’Italie en 1929. En France, le début de la Troisième République se caractérise par un anticléricalisme actif, qui atteint son paroxysme au début du XXe siècle, avec la suppression de l’ambassade de France près le Saint-Siège, suivie de la loi de séparation de 1905, mettant fin au régime concordataire. À la faveur des évènements de la Première Guerre mondiale, un rapprochement s’opère entre la France et le Saint-Siège, concrétisé en 1921 par le rétablissement de relations diplomatiques officielles.L’existence de relations diplomatiques entre deux États a notamment pour objectif de constituer un cadre privilégié pour la menée de négociations. Pendant la Troisième République, les sujets de débat sont nombreux entre les gouvernements français et pontifical. Le caractère juridique a été utilisé comme critère de sélection des affaires. L’étude des modalités de négociation permet de mettre en évidence trois phases chronologiques distinctes, qui dépendent de la combinaison de deux éléments : l’existence ou non de rapports diplomatiques officiels et le cadre juridique – concordataire ou de séparation – qui sert de toile de fond à ces tractations. Pour appréhender de manière pertinente cette évolution des modalités de négociation, il faut déterminer au préalable le cadre institutionnel français et pontifical, décisif pour l’orientation du rapport de forces dans les tractations. Par cette analyse, on constate un rééquilibrage du rapport de forces dans le temps entre la France et le Saint-Siège et une incapacité à rompre de manière absolue les contacts. La variété des intérêts à défendre, en France, à Rome mais aussi plus largement dans le monde, explique que malgré de vives oppositions, la France et le Saint-Siège trouvent toujours un accord. / Between 1870 and 1939, the diplomatic relations between the Holy See and France are obviously hectic. At that time, Roma is marked by the end of the papal State and the consequent loss of the temporal sovereignty for the Holy See in 1870, restored to the State of the Vatican City by the signature of the Lateran treaty in 1929. In France, the beginning of the Third Republic is characterized by an active anticlericalism, which shows a paroxysm at the beginning of the twentieth Century, with the suppression of the French embassy in the Holy See, and then the law of 1905. That cancels the Composition. With the First World War events, a link was made between France and Holy See, materialized in 1921 by the reestablishment of diplomatic relations.The existence of diplomatic relations between two states especially aims at creating a favorable framework to lead negotiations. During the Third Republic, there are numerous debate topics between the French and Papal governments. The legal character has been used as selection criteria for the affairs. The analysis of the negotiation modalities can demonstrate three distinct chronological phases, which depend on the combination of two criteria: the existence or not of official diplomatic relations and the legal bound – composition or separation - which is the backstory of these negotiations. To understand rightly the evolution of the negotiation modalities, we have to fix beforehand the French and Papal institution framework, decisive to turn the battle of wills in bargaining. When running this analysis, we can observe a rebalancing over time of the battle of wills between France and the Holy See and the inability to break completely the relations. The diversity of benefits to protect, in France, at Roma but also and, more widely, in the world, explains that despite strong oppositions, France and Holy See always find an agreement.

La presente ricerca si propone di ricostruire e di spiegare le ragioni che portarono alla prima rappresentanza pontificia in Messico, le difficoltà incontrate, gli apporti della delegazione apostolica e il suo esito, ma non solo. Lo studio condotto sulla delegazione di Clementi rappresenta anche l’occasione, attraverso il caso messicano, per riflettere e contribuire a fare maggiore chiarezza sui rapporti tra Stato e Chiesa e individuare le ragioni del perché l’equilibrio tra il trono e l’altare venne meno, aprendo così la strada all'avvento delle società secolarizzate in cui oggi viviamo. La delegazione apostolica rappresenta il punto di incontro, il perno che permette di osservare e di far luce sulle dinamiche, le posizioni e i punti di vista di quelli che furono i tre principali attori: la Santa Sede, il governo e il clero messicano. Attraverso lo studio condotto sulla missione di Clementi è possibile meglio comprendere come questi tre soggetti si relazionarono tra di loro e quali furono i problemi delle loro interazioni. Seguendo lo sviluppo e soprattutto i problemi incontrati dalla delegazione apostolica, ci si soffermerà sugli obiettivi della Santa Sede, sulle esigenze e gli interessi che mossero la politica dei governi messicani e su come si collocò, rispetto alla volontà della prima e dei secondi, il clero messicano. / The present research aims to reconstruct and explain the reasons that led to the first papal representation in Mexico, the difficulties encountered, the contributions of the apostolic delegation and its outcome, but not only. The study carried out on the Clementi delegation also represents the occasion, through the Mexican case, to reflect and contribute to clearly explain the relations between State and Church and to identify the reasons why the balance between the throne and the altar lessened, thus paving the way for the advent of the secularized societies in which we live today. The apostolic delegation represents the meeting point, the pivot that allows observing and shedding light on the dynamics, positions and points of view of those who were the three main actors: the Holy See, the Mexican government and the Mexican clergy. Through the study conducted on Clementi's mission it is possible to better understand how these three subjects relate to each other and what were the problems of their interactions. Following the development and above all the problems encountered by the apostolic delegation, we will focus on the objectives of the Holy See, on the needs and interests that moved the policy of the Mexican governments and on how, with respect to the will of the first and second, the Mexican clergy.

Après le séisme qui frappa la région de la République de Raguse en 1667, Dubrovnik (ancienne Raguse), sa ville capitale, connut une forte immigration architecturale d’origine romaine et, dans un seul cas, vénitienne, principalement composée d’ingénieurs et d’architectes. Après avoir tenté de retracer l’histoire des relations artistiques et diplomatiques entre la République de Raguse et les Etats de la péninsule apennine, qui remontent au XIIIe siècle mais qui connurent leur apogée après le grand séisme de 1667, cette étude se penche sur le rôle des architectes étrangers dans le cadre de l'administration publique de la République de Raguse et sur l’impact qu'ils eurent sur l'architecture de la ville. Malgré le fait qu'un bureau officiel des architectes n'existait pas au sein des institutions publiques, nous pouvons retracer les comportements habituels du commanditaire, le Sénat de la République, dans le processus du recrutement des architectes étrangers. Ainsi, les mêmes modèles de coopération entre les architectes et le commanditaire, répétés au cours des siècles, témoignent d'un système stable, traditionnel, qui resta inchangé jusqu'à la fin de la République en 1808. Dans cette recherche, l’accent a été mis sur l'architecture représentative de la ville de Raguse ainsi que sur tous les chantiers qui étaient sous le contrôle de la République. Enfin, les migrations artistiques entre Rome et Raguse durant la deuxième moitié du seicento et pendant le settecento furent mises en parallèle en suivant le même phénomène qui eut lieu dans la ville de La Valette en Malte et dans la région Val di Noto en Sicile. / After the earthquake that struck the region of the Republic of Ragusa in 1667, Dubrovnik (formerly Ragusa), its main city, experienced a strong architectural immigration of Roman origins (and in only one case, Venetian). After attempting to trace the history of artistic and diplomatic relations between the Republic of Ragusa and the authorities of different states of the Apennine peninsula which reached their peak after the great earthquake of 1667, this study examines the role of foreign architects in the context of public administration of the Republic of Ragusa and the influence they had on the architecture of the city. Although the architects did not have their formal office within public institutions, the usual behavior of the Senate of the Republic in the process of recruitment of foreign architects shows us that same patterns of cooperation between architects and sponsor were repeated over the centuries. Therefore, we use them as strong evidences that show a stable and traditional system, which remained unchanged until the end of the Republic in 1808. In this research, the focus was on the representative architecture of the city of Ragusa and on all building sites which were under the control of the Republic. Finally, artistic migrations between Rome and Ragusa in the second half of seicento and during settecento were compared with the same phenomenon that took place between the city of Valletta in Malta and Rome and between the region Val di Noto in Sicily and Rome.

La tesi esamina la partecipazione della Santa Sede alla Conferenza per la Sicurezza e la Cooperazione in Europa (ora Organizzazione per la Sicurezza e la Cooperazione in Europa), concentrandosi sui documenti riguardanti la libertà religiosa. Premesse le circostanze geo-politiche che hanno portato alla convocazione della Conferenza e la posizione vaticana antecedente ad essa, vengono analizzati i lavori della Conferenza di Helsinki nonché delle Riunioni sui Seguiti di Belgrado, Madrid e Vienna. Inoltre, viene illustrata la trasformazione ed istituzionalizzazione della Conferenza e, quindi, l'attività dell'OSCE nell'ambito della dimensione umana dell'OSCE, esaminando le procedure e i meccanismi istituiti per la verifica degli impegni. Infine, viene preso in considerazione il programma promosso dall'OSCE sulla tolleranza e la non discriminazione verso gli appartenenti alle confessioni religiose. / The thesis investigates the Holy See's participation in the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (now Organization for the Security and Cooperation in Europe), focusing on documents about religious freedom. After a brief description of the geo-politic scenery that brought to the Conference and the Holy See's position, the thesis analyzes the Helsinki Conference's works and thereafter the Follow-up Meetings of Belgrade, Madrid and Vienna. The thesis examines also the Conference's transformation and institutionalization and, then, the OSCE activity in the human dimension, focusing on procedures and mechanisms provided for the commitments' implementation. Finally, the thesis investigates the OSCE program for tolerance and non discrimination to religions' members.

Šioje disertacijoje gilinasi į Šventojo Sosto Europos metapolitiką bei kritiškai įvertinama Lietuvos Europos politika. Disertacijoje siūloma viena iš galimų Lietuvos buvimo Europoje strateginių vizijų – Lietuvos Europos metapolitika. Pagrindinis šios disertacijos tikslas yra atsakyti į klausimą „kokia galėtų būti Lietuvos Europos metapolitika?“. Siekiant atsakyti į šį pagrindinį klausimą darbo pirmoje ir antroje dalyje atitinkamai bandoma atsakyti į du klausimus: kokia yra Šventojo Sosto Europos metapolitika? Kokiu mastu Lietuvos Europos metapolitika galėtų atitikti Šventojo Sosto metapolitikos principus? Disertacijoje pastebima, kad dabartinė technokratinė Europos Sąjunga praranda savo krikščionišką tapatumą, tampa iš esmės kristofobinė, praranda gebėjima strategiškai, metapolitiškai vertinti ir projektuoti tiek Europos Sąjungos vidaus, tiek išorinį veikimą. Dabartinės Europos negebėjimas metapolitinę realybę „atstovauti“, ją suprasti, perteikti, susieti su kasdienine politika verčia Europą „nulipti nuo scenos“. Darbe pažymima, kad silpnėjanti Europos Sąjungos metapolitinė dimensija atveria duris reliatyvizmui bei negatyviai laisvei, kuri ilgainiui gali sukelti grėsmę Lietuvos identitetui ir valstybingumui Europos Sąjungos rėmuose, kadangi negatyvi laisvė neturi jokios pozityvios žmogaus ir visuomenės vizijos. Savo ruožtu, metapolitinė dimensija suteikia Lietuvai pozityvią metapolitinę darbotvarkę, kuri gali sustiprinti Lietuvą, įtvirtinti jos taką regione bei Europos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The main objective of this doctoral dissertation is to analyze the European metapolitics of the Catholic Church and to evaluate critically European policy of Lithuania. Lithuania’s European metapolitics is being proposed in this thesis as one of the possible visions of European politics of Lithuania. The main question posed in the work is what could be Lithuania’s European metapolitics like? In order to answer the aforementioned question, the two main tasks are exercised: the European metapolitics of the Holy See (analysed in the first part of the thesis) and to what extent the the European metapolitics of Lithuania could comply with the principles of the European metapolitics?(explored in the second part of the work). It’s being concluded in this thesis that modern technocratic European Union is losing its Christian identity and becoming Christophobic, losing its ability to project internal or external policies at strategic or metapolitical level. The inability of current European Union to “represent” metapolitical reality, to understand and link it to everyday politics is pushing Europe to the margins of global politics. It is underlined that the weakening of metapolitical dimension is opening the way for relativism and negative freedom inside the European Union that in the longer run can threaten Lithuanian identity and statehood inside the EU, because negative freedom has no positive vision of human person or society. On the other hand, metapolitical dimension gives... [to full text]

The main objective of this doctoral dissertation is to analyze the European metapolitics of the Catholic Church and to evaluate critically European policy of Lithuania. Lithuania’s European metapolitics is being proposed in this thesis as one of the possible visions of European politics of Lithuania. The main question posed in the work is what could be Lithuania’s European metapolitics like? In order to answer the aforementioned question, the two main tasks are exercised: the European metapolitics of the Holy See (analysed in the first part of the thesis) and to what extent the European metapolitics of Lithuania could comply with the principles of the European metapolitic ?(explored in the second part of the work). It’s being concluded in this thesis that modern technocratic European Union is losing its Christian identity and becoming Christophobic, losing its ability to project internal or external policies at strategic or metapolitical level. The inability of current European Union to “represent” metapolitical reality, to understand and link it to everyday politics is pushing Europe to the margins of global politics. It is underlined that the weakening of metapolitical dimension is opening the way for relativism and negative freedom inside the European Union that in the longer run can threaten Lithuanian identity and statehood inside the EU, because negative freedom has no positive vision of human person or society. On the other hand, metapolitical dimension gives... [to full text] / Šioje disertacijoje gilinasi į Šventojo Sosto Europos metapolitiką bei kritiškai įvertinama Lietuvos Europos politika. Disertacijoje siūloma viena iš galimų Lietuvos buvimo Europoje strateginių vizijų – Lietuvos Europos metapolitika. Pagrindinis šios disertacijos tikslas yra atsakyti į klausimą „kokia galėtų būti Lietuvos Europos metapolitika?“. Siekiant atsakyti į šį pagrindinį klausimą darbo pirmoje ir antroje dalyje atitinkamai bandoma atsakyti į du klausimus: kokia yra Šventojo Sosto Europos metapolitika? Kokiu mastu Lietuvos Europos metapolitika galėtų atitikti Šventojo Sosto metapolitikos principus? Disertacijoje pastebima, kad dabartinė technokratinė Europos Sąjunga praranda savo krikščionišką tapatumą, tampa iš esmės kristofobinė, praranda gebėjima strategiškai, metapolitiškai vertinti ir projektuoti tiek Europos Sąjungos vidaus, tiek išorinį veikimą. Dabartinės Europos negebėjimas metapolitinę realybę „atstovauti“, ją suprasti, perteikti, susieti su kasdienine politika verčia Europą „nulipti nuo scenos“. Darbe pažymima, kad silpnėjanti Europos Sąjungos metapolitinė dimensija atveria duris reliatyvizmui bei negatyviai laisvei, kuri ilgainiui gali sukelti grėsmę Lietuvos identitetui ir valstybingumui Europos Sąjungos rėmuose, kadangi negatyvi laisvė neturi jokios pozityvios žmogaus ir visuomenės vizijos. Savo ruožtu, metapolitinė dimensija suteikia Lietuvai pozityvią metapolitinę darbotvarkę, kuri gali sustiprinti Lietuvą, įtvirtinti jos taką regione bei Europos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Thesis (doctoral)--Pontificia Studiorum Universitas a Sancto Thoma Aquinate in Urbe. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [323]-364).

The thesis will focus on the development and transformation of diplomatic relations between France and the Holy See at the beginning of the 20th century. The author will analyze the assumptions of separation between the two mentioned countries, which occurred in December 1905, and caused the exclusion of the Church from political life in the country. The aim of the work will be analysis, description and interpretation of changes of relations between the two countries in the years 1904/1905-1921 including the restoration of diplomatic relations and the stabilization of relations after a long and dramatic rupture, which has not been processed in contemporary Czech ecclesiastical historiography up-to-day.