Africa’s international marginalization is preponderantly conceptualized through world systems approaches, particularly structural dependency. Consequently, the region’s socioeconomic quagmire, characterized by economic stagnation, abysmal poverty, inequality and foreign dependency, is often attributed to its colonial heritage. Particular reference is made to the small size of the African state and its structural specialization in primary production. Collective self reliance based on mutual interdependence (regional integration) thus suggests itself as a logical way to overcome the structural constraints imposed by the small size of the state, while at the same time representing a viable alternative to asymmetric trade with developed countries. It is within the context of this theoretical framework that this study critiques the predisposition of the regional body in Southern Africa, the Southern African Development Community (SADC), towards a trade biased approach to regional integration (market integration). This critique is based on theoretical and empirical findings showing that trade led strategies are primarily suited for developed countries with robust manufacturing industries and complimentary production structures. Countries in Southern Africa are however characterized by a near absence of manufacturing industries, are at different levels of development and show low levels of trade complementarities. This study therefore concludes that market integration is an inappropriate strategy for regional integration in Southern Africa and in the process suggests development integration – a political economy approach, as an alternative.

No description available.

Traditional views on International Relations dominate regional analyses. These invariably emphasize the dominance of state and market forces in inter-state relations. Experiences and expectations of people are less prominent in these discourses, and the practices they foster. This thesis critically analyses the regional processes in West and southern Africa within the framework of Critical Theory. It argues that these processes are constrained by instability and the increasing legitimacy crises of the State. The thesis demonstrates that the State, through exclusive nationalist practices, hinder the growth of a cosmopolitan order, and it argues that neo-liberal regionalism is a contested phenomenon because of its exclusive nature. Finally, the thesis suggests steps needed to resolve the legitimacy crises and to build an inclusive regional order, based on cosmopolitan values.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study seeks to analyse regionalism in theory as well as in practice with regard to the Southern African region. Its purpose is thereby twofold: Firstly, this work claims to make a contribution to critical and reflectivist theorising of regionalism. The study of regionalism remains highly dominated by rationalist theories focusing predominantly on states as regionalising actors as well as on formal inter-state frameworks and market-led processes of regional integration. The hegemonic status of these approaches reinforces a specific form of regionalism which is compatible with neoliberal practices in the world economy. In order to reveal shortcomings and normative tenets of conventional theories and to account for the complexity and multidimensionality of regional projects and processes, a combination of theoretical insights from Robert W. Cox’s Critical Theory (CCT) as well as from the New Regionalism(s) Approach (NRA) are proposed as the theoretical framework for the study. The second objective is to bring civil society as a regionalising actor into the debate. Focusing on the highly exclusive and elite-driven regional project pursued by the region’s most comprehensive inter-state framework, the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the study addresses the question, as to what extent civil society at the regional level can act as a transformative force in terms of people-centred socio-economic development and social equity. After introducing crucial meta-theoretical, conceptual and methodological considerations, the major theoretical contributions to the study of regionalism are reviewed critically and a critical/reflectivist approach is proposed as an alternative to mainstream rationalist theorising. In a broad historical overview, the social, political, economic and cultural contexts which characterize the contemporary region of Southern Africa are discussed. Subsequently, four regional civil society organisations, namely the SADC Council of Non-governmental Organisations (CNGO), the Southern African Trade Union’s Co-ordination Council (SATUCC), the Economic Justice Network (EJN) of the Fellowship of Christian Councils in Southern Africa (FOCCISA) and the Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), are scrutinized with the intention to assess their transformative potential within SADC. The research conducted for the study is based on an eclectic employment of a combination of mostly qualitative methods, among them field research interviews, participatory observations as well as the analysis of primary and secondary sources/data. Two important conclusions can be drawn from this work: Firstly, an explicitly anti-reductionist and critical theoretical approach is seen as essential to account for the myriad of multi-level structural as well as agency-related factors influencing regionalism and regionalisation in Southern Africa. Secondly, the impact of regional civil society actors investigated in this study with regard to a more socio-economically inclusive form of regionalism remains limited, because of institutional and structural constraints, limited representativeness and a lack of strategic coordination among civil society organisations. Nevertheless, recent developments within civil society at the regional level also provide some reasons for optimism that a broader societal movement might be evolving which, as a transformative alliance, could challenge SADC’s contemporary approach to regionalism. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie probeer om regionalisme teoreties en empiries te analiseer met as fokus die Suider-Afrikaanse streek. Derhalwe is die navorsingsdoelstelling tweevoudig, eerstens, is die navorsing daarop gemik om ’n bydrae te lewer tot die kritiese en reflektiewe teoretisering van regionalisme. Die bestudering van regionalisme word steeds oorweldigend oorheers deur rasionalistiese teorieë, en fokus primêr op state as die belangrikste streeks-akteurs, asook op formele inter-staat raamwerke en mark-verwante prosesse van streeksintegrasie. Die hegemoniese status van hierdie benaderinge bekragtig ’n spesifieke vorm van regionalisme wat saamhang met neoliberale praktyk in die wêreld-ekonomie. Ten einde die tekortkominge en normatiewe aannames van konvensionele teorieë uit te wys, asook om rekening te gee van die kompleksiteit en multi-dimensionaliteit van streeks-projekte en prosesse, word ’n kombinasie van teoretiese insigte gebruik uit Robert W. Cox se Kritiese Teorie (CCT), asook insigte uit die Nuwe Regionalisme-benadering (NRA) en aan die hand gedoen as teoretiese vertrekpunt vir die studie. Die tweede navorsingsdoelwit is om die burgerlike samelewing as streeks-akteur binne die analise te inkorporeer. Met as empiriese fokus, die hoogs eksklusiewe en elite-gedrewe streeks-projek wat bedryf word deur die mees omvattende inter-staat streeksinstelling, die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG), evalueer en assesseer die studie die vraag tot watter mate die burgerlike samelewing op streeksvlak kan optree as ’n krag vir verandering binne die raamwerk van mensgesentreerde sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling en sosiale gelykberegtiging. Na die bekendstelling van ’n aantal meta-teoretiese, konseptuele en metodologiese oorweginge wat van kardinale belang is, word die hoofstroom teoretiese bydraes tot die bestudering van regionalisme krities beskou, en word ’n krities/reflektiewe benadering voorgestel as ’n alternatiewe benadering. Vervolgens word ’n breë historiese oorsig van die sosiale, politieke, ekonomiese en kulturele kontekste wat kenmerkende is van die teenswoordige Suider-Afrikaanse streek gelewer. Hierna word vier burgerlike samelewings-organisasies, naamlik, die SAOG Raad vir Nie-regeringsorganisasies (CNGO), die Suider-Afrikaanse Vakbonde Koördineringsraad (SATUCC), die Ekonomiese Regverdigheidsnetwerk (EJN) van die Gemeenskap van Christelike Rade in Suider-Afrika (FOCCISA) en die Suider-Afrikaanse Mense Solidariteitsnetwerk (SAPSN), onder die loep geneem ten einde hul veranderingspotensiaal binne SAOG te assesseer. Die navorsing wat hiervoor onderneem is, is gegrond binne ’n eklektiese vermenging van hoofsaaklik kwalitatiewe metodes, insluitende veldnavorsing-onderhoude, deelnemende waarneming, asook die analise van primêre en sekondêre bronne en data. Twee belangrike gevolgtrekking word, ten slotte, gemaak. Eerstens, ’n eksplisiete en anti-reduksionistiese, krities-teoretiese benadering word as essensieël beskou om rekenskap te kan gee vir die meervoudige en meervlakkige strukturele asook agent-verwante faktore wat regionalisme en regionalisasie in Suider-Afrika beïnvloed. Tweedens, die impak van die burgerlike samewelings-akteurs waarop hierdie studie gefokus het, om ’n meer sosio-ekonomiese inklusiewe vorm van regionalisme tot stand te bring, is beperk. Die redes hiervoor is van ’n institutionele en strukturele aard, beperkte verteenwoordiging en ’n gebrek aan strategiese koördinering tussen burgelike samelewings-organisasies in die streek. Nietemin, is daar redes vir optimisme wat voortspruit uit onlangse ontwikkelinge binne die streek se burgerlike samelewings organisasies. Hieruit is dit moontlik dat ’n breë sosiale beweging sou kon ontwikkel wat, in die vorm van ’n veranderings-gerigte alliansie, die SAOG se huidige benadering tot regionalisme kan uitdaag.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study analyses regionalism in Africa from a theoretical and an applied perspective. The purpose of the study is to contribute to the critical and reflectivist corpus of theories of regionalism. This field is dominated by rationalist theories that are largely preoccupied with formal inter-­‐state and market-­‐driven processes of regional integration. The rationalist theoretical hegemony in academia and politics serves to reinforce and reproduce neoliberal ideology informing global political economic practices. This study illustrates the limitations and normative assumptions of these orthodox frames and demonstrates the multidimensionality of regionalisation. The study applies a combination of three critical reflectivist theories: the World Order Approach, the New Regionalism Approach and the New Regionalisms Approach/Weave-­‐ world in an analysis of an ongoing regional oil and infrastructure project in East Africa called the Lamu Port, South Sudan and Ethiopia (LAPSSET) Corridor. The study’s primary research question investigates the extent to which oil production is driving the manifestation of (new) regionalism in East Africa, especially in terms of the LAPSSET Corridor, with secondary questions identifying the actors involved in this regionalisation, and what the theoretical framework reveals about the regionalisation in East Africa. After a review of some of the most influential theoretical contributions to the study of regions a critical reflectivist approach is suggested as an alternative to conventional rationalist theories. A broad historical overview of the East African region is elaborated with a focus on Uganda and Kenya, highlighting the social, cultural, political and economic evolution of the region before reflection on how forces of production relate to regime type in East Africa. Subsequently, a case study establishes an assessment of the historical and social construction of the LAPSSET Corridor. The objectives of the LAPSSET Corridor and its implementation mechanisms are scrutinised and viewed in comparison with its potential for inclusiveness of local participation and sustainable socio-­‐economic development. Two important conclusions can be drawn from this study. The first is that oil production is critical in the current regionalisation in East Africa. However, the nature of this regionalisation flows contrary to other regional motives. The second conclusion is that the anti-­‐reductionist and critical reflectivist approach is indeed essential to fully understand the variety of multi-­‐level factors of structures and agency that influence regionalism and regionalisation in East Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie analiseer regionalisme in Afrika vanaf ‘n teoretiese en ‘n toegepaste perspektief. Die doel van die studie is om by te dra tot die kritiese en reflektiwistiese liggaam van teorie oor regionalisme. Hierdie studieveld word gedomineer deur rasionalistiese teorieë wat meerendeels besig is met formele inter-­‐staat en markgedrewe prosesse van regionale integrasie. Die rasionele teoretiese hegemonie in akademia en politiek versterk en herproduseer sodanig neoliberale ideologie wat global politiek-­‐ekonomiese praktyk bepaal. Hierdie studie wys die beperkinge en normatiewe aannames van hierdie ortodokse beskouings uit, en ontbloot die multidimensionaliteit van regionalisering. Die studie pas ‘n mengsel van krities-­‐reflektivistiese teorieë toe: die Wêreldorde Benadering, die Nuwe Regionalisme Benadering, en die “Verweefde Wêreld” Benadering in ‘n analise van die regionale olie en infrastruktuurprojek in Oos-­‐ Afrika wat die “Lamu Port, South Sudan and Ehtiopia” (LAPSSET) Korridor genoem word. Die studie se primêre navorsingsvraag fokus op die mate waartoe olieproduksie die manifestering van (nuwe) regionalisme in Oos-­‐Afrika dryf, veral in terme van die LAPSSET Korridor, met sekondêre vrae om die akteurs te identifiseer wat betrokke is by hierdie regionalisering, en wat die teoretiese benadering blootlê aangaande die regionalisering in Oos-­‐Afrika. Na ‘n oorsig van die belangrikste teoretiese bydraes tot die studie van streke word ‘n krities-­‐reflekiwistiese benadering voorgestel as ‘n alternatief vir konvensionele rasionele teorieë. ‘n Breë historiese oorsig van die Oos-­‐Afrika streek word verskaf, met ‘n fokus op Uganda en Kenia, en dit beklemtoon die sosiale, kulturele, politieke en ekonomiese ontwikkeling van die streek voordat ‘n oordenking van hoe die magte van produksie betrekking het op regimetipe in Oos-­‐Afrika. Voorts verskaf die gevallestudie ‘n oorsig van die historiese en sosiale daarstel van die LAPSSET Korridor. Die doelwitte van die LAPSSET Korridor en sy implementeringsmeganismes word geëvalueer en beskou in vergelyking met sy potensiaal vir die insluiting van plaaslike deelname en volhoubare sosio-­‐ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Die studie maak twee belangrike gevolgtrekkings moontlik. Die eerste is dat olieproduksie krities belangrik is in die huidige regionalisering in Oos-­‐Afrika. Maar tog is die aard van die regionaliseringspatrone teenstrydig met ander streeksmotiverings. Die tweede gevolgtreking is dat die teen-­‐reduksionistiese en krities-­‐reflektiwistiese benaderings wel sentraal staan tot ‘n volle beskouing van die verskeidenheid van veelvlakkige faktore wat regionalisme en regionalisering in Oos-­‐Afrika beïnvloed.

This thesis employs a dynamic form of the gravity model and data from 1988-2005 to estimate the effects of RTAs in SSA on intra-African trade. The thesis proposes a better approach to examining member-nonmember trade relations of RTAs. This thesis is unique because it uses System GMM estimator to overcome econometric issues associated with estimating dynamic models. The results suggest that COMESA and SADC has led to a significant increase in intra and extra-RTA trade. ECOWAS has increased intra-ECOWAS trade but decreased extra-ECOWAS trade. ECCAS has had a negative impact on both intra-ECCAS and extra-ECCAS trade flows. The proposed approach of examining member-nonmember relationships provides better estimates. A comparative analysis is made to shed light on how high or low the trade creation effect of RTAs in SSA are. The results of this thesis support the view that the impact of RTAs in SSA is higher than perceived. / x, 61 leaves ; 29 cm

Thesis (M.M.A.S)--US Army Command and General Staff College, 2006. / Title from title screen (viewed on Apr. 9, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-71).

Thesis (Ph.D. (Political & International Studies)) - Rhodes University, 2007.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since independence in the early 1950's, Africa's overall economic performance compared very unfavourably with those of other regions of the developing world mainly because it attained political independence as a fragmented continent. From this time, the vision of African leaders has been that of regional integration and the creation of the African common market. The vision of a common market which unites Africa's mostly small and fragmented economies would lead to economies of scale, thereby making African countries more competitive. That vision however, has been clouded by the devastation of war, both civil and territorial and corruption which drains the state. Therefore, the importance of regional economic integration is pertinent and more so, the role of Regional Economic Communities as integrative institutions. The African Union, the main institution for political, economic and social integration established the African Economic Community whose main role is to facilitate the regional economic integration process in Africa. Africa's RECs have been designated by the Abuja Treaty as the building blocks for integration and the eventual creation of an African Economic Community. The Abuja Treaty and the Constitutive Act of the African Union provides for the coordination and harmonization of the policies of the Regional Economic Communities. One of the main challenges confronting Africa in its quest for full integration is the rationalisation of regional economic communities. The RECs with their treaties, protocols and agendas are logical institutions to jumpstart Africa's integration. The African Union recognises eight Regional Economic Communities, but the African continent has fourteen inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), all of which are working on regional integration issues. The RECs have had some successes but have not met their objectives of greater production. The RECs need to be revived and the first thing would be to rationalise their structure and their interactions with national governments. Rationalisation has benefits and costs and rationalisation efforts should focus on efficiency and effectiveness. Ultimately, rationalisation would allow Africa to attain the full benefits of integration, particularly growth for trade within and outside Africa. Regional Economic Communities are viewed as pillars of continental integration by the African Union. The strategy of economic emancipation must denote economic development for all African people including grass roots level and there is no doubt that significant challenges exist and must be addressed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die onafhanlikheid in die vroeë 1950's het die oorgrote ekonomiese groei van Afrika goed vergelyk met die ander onwikkelende streke in die wêreld grotendeels as gevolg van die gefragmenteerde onafhanklikheidswording in Afika as geheel. Vir die eerste keer was die visie van Afrika leiers dit eens dat Afrika streke as een moet integreer asook die daarstelling van een gemeenskaplike mark. Hierdie visie is egter vertroebel deur die verwoesting van oorloë, beide siviel en territoriaal, asook korrupsie, wat 'n staat dreineer. Daarom is die belangrikheid van streeks ekonomiese integrasie steeds belangrik, en nog meer so, die rol van Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe (REC's) as integrerende instelling. Die Afrika Unie, die hoof instelling vir politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale integrasie het die Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap, wie se hoof taak dit is om die streeks ekonomiese integrasie te fasiliteer, gestig. Afrika se Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe is aangewys deur die Abuja Verdrag, om as die bouers van integrasie op te tree, met die uiteindelike daarstelling van 'n Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap. Die Abuja Verdrag en die Konstutiewe Wet van die Afrika Unie maak voorsiening vir die koordinasie in ooreenstemming met die beleidsrigting van die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe. Een van die hoof uitdagings wat Afrika in die gesig staar, met die soektog na volle integrasie, is die rasionalisasie van streeks ekonomiese gemeenskappe. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe met hulle verdrae, protokol en agendas is die logiese instelling om die integrasie van Afrika 'n hupstoot te gee. Die Afrika Unie erken agt Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe maar die Afrika kontinent het veertien inter-regerings organisasies (IGO's) wat almal werk aan streeks integrasie kwessies. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe het 'n sekere mate van sukses behaal, maar het nog nie hulle geteikende groter produksie bereik nie. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe moet opnuut herleef word en die eerste stap sou wees om te rasionaliseer oor hulle struktuur en die interaksie met nasionale regerings. Rasionalisering het voordele en kostes en pogings behoort te fokus op doeltreffendheid en effektiwiteit. Die uiteinde van rasionalisering sal Afrika die volle voordele van integrasie, veral t.o.v handelsgroei binne en buite Afrika, ervaar. Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe word beskou, deur die Afrika Unie, as die pilare van kontinentale intergrasie. Die strategie van ekonomiese emansipasie moet 'n aanduiding wees vir ekonomiese ontwikkeling vir al die mense van Afrika, ook op grondvlak, en daar is geen twyfel dat beduidende uitdagings bestaan en dat dit moet aangespreek word.

This dissertation argues that in the 1990s and beyond, the character and functions of regions and regionalism have experienced a major transformation. This requires a reconceptualisation of regions and regionalism that transcends state-centrism. The argument here is that the definition of regions and regionalism needs to recognise that other actors also participate in the construction of regions and the practise of regionalism. Up to now, however, theories of integration incompletely deal with outcomes appropriate to developing countries, states and regions. In the context where people remain vulnerable to top-down forms of regionalism driven by the forces of globalisation, this calls for a new approach in the analytical study of regionalism in a transnational context. The contention is that new regionalism, and its variant, developmental regionalism pay attention to the role those organised civil society actors and those marginalised by both globalisation and regionalisation play in promoting regionalism in a transnational context. Historically, state-centric regionalism in southern Africa was not aimed at achieving developmental objectives. In the case of SACU, the argument is that South Africa used its economic strength in a hegemonial way. To counter-act apartheid South Africa’s economic hegemony, SADCC was formed. SADCC achieved limited success in the fields of infrastructural development and in attracting donor aid. The end of the Cold War and the downfall of apartheid compelled these organisations to recast their objectives and purpose. For SACU this meant changing from an organisation dominated by South Africa to a fully-fledged inter-state one. Disconcertedly, however, about the reforms undertook by SACU, is that the disposition of member states remain important in determining the content and scope of regionalism. SADC, on the other hand, has also not sufficiently reform itself to achieve the ambitious goals it set-out for itself. Moreover, while SADC has since its inception in 1992 set-out to involve non-state actors in its regional integration efforts, limited institutional reform in 2000 and beyond, and elites at the forefront of institutional restructuring make it difficult for non-state actors to contribute to sustainable regional integration. In conclusion, this dissertation maintains that sustainable regionalist orders are best built by recognising that beyond the geometry of state-sovereignty, civil society organisations with a regional focus and the ordinary people of the region also contribute to regioness and as such to the re-conceptualisation of regional community in southern Africa.