Empathy is presented as a relation between persons and by analogy between persons and non-human entities in which case it is called quasi-empathy. The characteristics of empathy, the sufficient and necessary conditions for its creation and nurturance, and various types of empathy, both authentic and mistaken, are examined. The role of empathy in various types of knowing especially personal knowing are discussed leading to an attempt to classify interpersonal relations. In the course of this analysis different ways of construing human beings are presented and contrasted with particular interest in the extent to which empathy, quasi-empathy and other relations are involved. A variety of emotional bonds which have some bearing on or similarity to empathy are compared with empathy. The dissertation concludes with a review of a selection from the empathy literature in which contrasts are made with the outline theory of empathy developed in this dissertation.

A thesis submitted to the department of international relations, Faculty of Arts, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. February 1998. / The rationale of this study is 10 examine the Republic of China (ROC)-on-Taiwan':; foreign policy of "pragmatic diplomacy". The thesis is designed to contribute to the understanding of the developm ent and progression of the ROC-on- Taiwan's foreign policy development, from that of authoritarian to democratic state. This is to be viewed in the context of the international environment in which the ROC government has had to operate - one of growing political isolation. The foreign policy of pragmatic diplomacy had both domestic and international origins - domestic in the domain of Taiwan's internal political development and internatiorul in the realm of Taiwan's international political pariah status. The principal objective of this doctoral thesis is to trace pragmatic diplomacy's political roots, examine its policies, and assess its prospects. Pragmatic diplomacy was officially adopted as a foreign policy by the ROC following the appointment of Lee Teng-hui as president in January 1988. However, rather than marking a distinct change in policy, pragmatic diplomacy was a continuance of the foreign policy track which had been started by Chiang Ching-kuo who had assumed the presidential office from his father Chiang Kai-shek in April 1975. The increasing international isolation of the ROC required a radical foreign policv response from Taipei. The ROC's expulsion from the United Nations in 1971 and subsequent incremental diplomatic de-recognition by its poll 'ical allies necessitated policy reform by the KMT government. This was not forthcoming .inder Chiang Kai-shek, Signs of pragmatism in policy-making began to arise under tile Chiang Ching-kuo administration. This trend continued and was formalised under Lee Teng-hui, Pragmatic diplomacy was designated as an official foreign policy under the Lee Tenghui presidency. Providing an historical background to pragmatic diplomacy, this study will pursue Taiwan's foreign policy progression and account for its development since 1949. The primary focus of the study is, however, on the period 1988 to 1996, from the official beginning of pragmatic diplomacy to the end of the process of democratic transition with the ROC-on- Taiwan's first direct presidential election in 1996. This was the "honeymoon" period of Taiwan's move away from an authoritarian system of government. It was during this eight-year period that Taipei's foreign policy underwent a dramatic shift in focus, one which cast off the restrictions placed upon it by domestic authoritarian politics to one which became accountable to the populace under the island's democratic transformation. For the purposes of this study, the fcreign policy of the ROC will be examined from 1949 with the removal of the ROC's seat of government from the mainland to Taipei, Taiwan. This came as a direct result of the defeat of Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist Kuomintang (KMT) forces to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the Chinese civil war. Following its expulsion from the mainland by the Chinese Communists, the island of Taiwan became the refuge of the ROC government under the control of the KMT. The post World War II legal status of Taiwan had previously been set out in the November 1943 Cairo Declaraticn which stated that "all territories Japan had stolen from the Chinese, such as Maner.aria, Formosa [Taiwan}, and the Pescadores, shall be returned to the Republic of China. " In July 1945, the heads of government of the United States (US), Great Britain, and the ROC further declared in the Potsdam Declaration that "the terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out. "This was later adhered 10 by the Soviet Union, France, and Japan. Shortly thereafter, Chinese troops occupied Taiwan with the territory being declared a province of China. In 1949, the government of the ROC was moved from Nanking to Taipei! while the CCP created a new regime, the People's Republic of China (PRe), in Beijing.' The result was two rival governments both claiming to be the sale legal representative of the Chinese state, each wanting to reunify the country in its own image. Since the claim to legitimacy was mutual, the "one China principle" whereby each claimed to be the rightful and legal representative of the state of China, was paramount in the internal and international politics of each regime. This was of particular importance to the ROC which was the apparent weaker regime having been exiled to Taiwan, losing the vast majority of its territory, population, and resources in the process. Beijing and Taipei held steadfast to the doctrine of a single Chinese state and as such refused to recognise each others' political existence. Thus the Chinese civil war did not end in 1949 with the expulsion of the KMT from the mainland - it merely continued from a distance. After withdrawing to Taiwan, Chiang Kai-shek proclaimed that one day he would, "counterattack and recover the mainland ." 3 This position formed the rhetorical mainstay of the ROC's polic. for the following three decades. Almost five decades later, this ideal has not been realised and the ROC is still rooted on Taiwan. Since this time, the ROC's reunification policy toward the PRC has shifted from one of military confrontation to one which stresses peaceful political reunification under Sun Yat-sen's ideology of the "Three Principles of the People"." The ROC's policy has become far less hostile over time. The tempering of ROC policy has coincided with Taiwan's economic development, industrial modernisation, and programme of political reform and democratisation. All of these factors have contributed to this change and will be emphasised in this study as having impacted upon Taiwan's foreign policy progression. A moot point of contention which requires clarification is the term "foreign policy" in the case of the ROC. Due to both the ROC and PRC's strict adherence to the one China principle, each side has, and still continues to, regard its policy toward the other as being domestic rather than foreign in nature. This creates difficulties in deh.ung Taipei's policy vis-a-vis the mainland. According to Wilkenfeld, foreign policy can be defined as, " ...those official actions which sovereign states initiate for the purpose 0/ altering or creaung a condition outside their territorial-sovereign boundaries ." 5 Accepting this definition, two questions are raised: firstly, what is the sovereign status of Taiwan?; and secondly, if sovereign, how far, both politically and physically, does the ROC's sovereignty extend? These thematic issues are central to the thesis. Suffice to say at this introductory stage, it is argued that the ROC's mainland (i.e. the PRe) policy was indeed a foreign and not a domestic policy. Since 1949, Taiwan has been ruled by a separate and distinct governmental authority controlled by the KMT. During this half-century period, Taiwan has possessed a different political, economic, and social structure to that which has existed on the mainland under CCP control. Therefore, in reality, and despite its own prior claims to the contrary, the ROC has operated as a distinct dejacto independent entity. Taiwan's policy toward the mainland was thus, to all intents and purposes, «foreign policy. This study will consider it as such. / GR2017

This thesis explores the international politics of Pakistan’s conditional sovereignty through a comparative analysis of Pakistan-US relations during the Cold War (1979-88) and the War on Terror (2001-08). The thesis seeks to understand whether the end of the Cold War restructured, reshaped and reconfigured US attitudes towards Pakistan when caught up in a new geo-political conflict, namely the War on Terror. The thesis is constructed around three main arguments focusing on Pakistan’s sovereignty, US foreign assistance to Pakistan and Pakistan’s state failure. Firstly, the thesis demonstrates that US conditions on Pakistan’s sovereignty fluctuate according to whether or not the US is strategically interested in Pakistan. In both cases, different sets of conditions are applied to Pakistan’s sovereignty. The thesis also details Pakistan’s response to these conditions on its sovereignty. Secondly, the thesis argues that given the importance of the normative value of state failure in the post-9/11 US policy and its absence in the War on Terror as a condition on Pakistan’s sovereignty, it is expected that Pakistan’s state failure status will come to dominate the conditions on Pakistan’s sovereignty when the US is not strategically interested. Thirdly, the conditions on Pakistan’s sovereignty are a means to secure Pakistan’s compliance to US demands, by either withholding foreign assistance or disbursing it. In that case then, given the centrality of human rights and state failure in post-9/11 international relations, the thesis demonstrates that US statebuilding efforts remain pivoted on US political interests rather than human rights and development. The qualitative research includes elite interviews, unclassified documents and builds on existing literature, while the quantitative portion involves statistical data.

決定美國外交政策的因素是多樣的，有國內因素與國外因素。概括而言，影響其外交決策的國內政治力量有總統、國務院及國務卿，國防部、國會，利益集團同媒體等等，而上述各個權力體都會受到公眾輿論的限制。可以說，公眾輿論是美國這個民主政體的外交行為不可忽視的影響力量。早至上世紀中葉，以沃爾特李普曼為代表的一批國際關係專家曾掀起研究公眾輿論的熱潮，李普曼、阿爾蒙德等持現實主義理論的學者認為公眾輿論不具有穩定性和理性，其情緒化，變幻莫測還容易收到外界影響，不應影響一國的外交決策。爭鋒相對的，自由主義理論的支持者則堅持公眾有權利參與外交決策，也有能力從國家利益出發理性地參與外交問題。 / 自由主義和現實主義理論關於公眾輿論的認識是從不同角度出發去理解公眾輿論在外交決策領域的作用，因此二者難分上下，也不分對錯，一再糾纏與兩種理論的爭鋒不利於我們瞭解美國公眾輿論和外交決策的真實關係。本研究即是從此出發點考慮，跳出理論之爭，而將研究的重點集中於分析公眾輿論是如何在具體的情境中與政府互動的。筆者將通過對1940年代這一政策調整頻繁時期《紐約時報》對華新聞報導的分析，來考察在宋美齡訪美、重慶談判、承認中華人民共和國等歷史事件中美國民眾、媒體態度的變化以及政府在其中的角色如何。本研究的創新之處則在於從小處，即《紐約時報》的新聞報導著手看公眾輿論與美國外交決策這一宏觀互動關係的具體形式，希望有助於美國政治文化的研究。 / Over the past six decades since the founding of the People's Republic of China, our understanding of the Sino-U.S. relations has undergone considerable revisions. From the beginning of the Cold War to President Nixon’s visit to China, U.S. and China had been from enemies to friends, rivals to partners, later with the rise of China as one important power of world politics as well as economy, the balance between relations of U.S. and China flows with the distinguished definition of national interests. Therefore, the images of China in American eyes were never belonged to any stable type, public opinion in the U.S. has developed many different perspectives on China. / Public Opinion plays an interesting role in shaping U.S. foreign policy, and the academic community and political observers have repeatedly debated on elaborations of its influence. To examine whether public opinion has participated in the policy making process of U.S. diplomacy is one good way to investigate if the development and expansion of government institutions would undermine the operation of liberal democracy and infringe on personal liberties. / In order to answer the question in how Public Opinion influences the Government in foreign policy making and how the government, the media and Public interacted, I will conduct empirical studies and News analysis to interpret the New York Times News reports concerning U.S. Foreign Policy towards China in the 1940s. By investigating the interactive relations among the U.S. government, the media represented by New York Times and Public Opinion, I intend to conclude that Public Opinion do play an important role in the foreign policy making process, and the way the Government and Public perceive national interest defines the patterns of their interactions. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李佳. / "2012年8月". / "2012 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-97). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Li Jia. / 目錄 --- p.iii / Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 《紐約時報》的歷史與風格 --- p.8 / Chapter 第三章 --- 宋美齡訪美 --- p.15 / Chapter （一）、 --- 宋美齡的美國之行 --- p.16 / Chapter （二）、 --- 《紐約時報》的新聞報導與“宋美齡訪美的真相 --- p.19 / Chapter （三）、 --- 結論 --- p.37 / Chapter 第四章 --- “重慶談判 --- p.39 / Chapter （一）、 --- “重慶談判 --- p.39 / Chapter （二）、 --- 《紐約時報》有關“重慶談判的新聞報導及其背景 --- p.41 / Chapter 1、 --- 《紐約時報》與“重慶談判的背景 --- p.41 / Chapter 2、 --- 《紐約時報》對“重慶談判經過的報導 --- p.44 / Chapter （三）、 --- 結論 --- p.61 / Chapter 第五章 --- 美國在承認新中國問題上的爭論 --- p.63 / Chapter （一）、 --- 承認問題始末 --- p.63 / Chapter （二）、 --- 《紐約時報》關於“承認新中國問題的報導和美國在承認問題上的態度 --- p.65 / Chapter （三）、 --- 結論 --- p.86 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結語 --- p.89 / p.94 / p.94 / p.96 / Chapter 附錄： --- 《紐約時報》資料列表 --- p.98

People in organisations often have difficulty communicating with each other about their understanding of the problems of the organisation. The Dramatistic Approach is an organisational inquiry method, based on a notion of ?script?, which assists people in organisations to discuss interpersonal communication problems. A ?script? is defined in this document as being an unconscious socialised social routine. The purpose of this thesis is to document an inquiry into ?Human sculpture?, a process using dramatisation to facilitate discussion about the notion of ?script? in the organisational setting. The inquiry method is action research in the post positivist research paradigm, and is written in four chapters. The use of the notion ?script? within the disciplines of therapy and organizational studies is examined. The appropriateness of the positivist paradigm for human inquiry is debated, reaching the conclusion that a post positivist paradigm needs to underpin a human inquiry of the nature of the inquiry about ?Human sculpture?. The nine cycles of the inquiry are documented. The learnings which have emerged from this inquiry are discussed, addressing the primary focus of the inquiry, the procedure and facilitation of ?Human sculpture?, as well as two secondary focii which emerged, the notion of ?script? and the facilitation of a human inquiry / Master of Science (Hons) Social Ecology

While many publications comment on successful relationships, it was necessary to specifically analyze the relationship between public relations practitioners and their clients. Using traits gathered in the literature review, the researcher prepared a Q study to identify, "Which relationship traits do agency representatives and client counterparts find most important?"Subjects included principals of agencies listed in the 2004 Indianapolis Business Journal's "Book of Lists," and their clients. Each respondent ranked the Q statements two times, once reflecting their own attitudes and another reflecting the attitudes of their counterpart.Of the twelve traits studied, eight were ranked as highly important to participants. Also, the researcher surmised that clients better understand their relationships, ranking three of five traits as highly important when assuming their counterparts' roles. In contrast, agency partners ranked two of the five traits that their counterparts found highly important. / Department of Journalism

This dissertation seeks to expand our understanding of variation in foreign policy. Although we have a series of large, extant literatures dealing with the sources of foreign policy, there has been less attention paid over the last decade to understanding why states change their behavior. At the same time, the thesis argues that foreign policy change is best understood as a result of the role of individual decision-makers and the role that emotion plays in their foreign policy calculations. / Foreign policy depends on the decisions made by individual leaders. The type of individual thus determines the specific policy. Here individuals are categorized as ideological or adaptable. Ideological individuals are more rigid in their belief structures, are more likely to select policies that fit with their extant understandings of the world and the position of their state in it, and more likely to rely on the emotional or affective appeal an object or issue holds for them. Adaptable leaders are more flexible, not tied to specific ideologies or reliant on emotion to guide their thinking, and thus more likely to choose or learn ideas that best respond to changing environmental conditions. At the same time, how a state's decision-making institutions are structured tells us how likely it is that an individual's own predilections matter. In polities where decision-making is centralized (e.g., in the office of the prime minister), individuals have greater leeway to put their ideas (whether based on their ideological outlooks or shifting environmental circumstances) into practice, while in de-centralized polities other actors constrain the leader from autonomous decision-making. In such cases, it is likely that an individual's ideas will conform to those of the constraining actors. Finally, the role of ideas is taken into consideration, as the dominant national ideas about foreign policy regarding a specific issue-area help us better understand the context in which individuals make (or change) foreign policy. / This model is tested against alternate explanations---systemic imperatives, Constructivism, public opinion, poliheuristic theory, and prospect theory---in two case studies: the Israeli decision to pursue and sign the 1993 Oslo Accords, and the 2002 decision by the Islamist government in Turkey to actively lobby for membership in the European Union. Both foreign policies represent significant variation, and both provide important theoretical and empirical puzzles for scholars.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2003. / Title from title screen (viewed 8 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Work and Organisational Studies, Faculty of Economics and Business. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, 1991. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 311-324).

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