Thesis (D.Phil.)--University of Oxford, 2009. / Supervisor: Dr Stephen Fisher. Bibliography: leaves 249-268.

Thesis (M.A.)--Catholic Theological Union, 1986. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 84-87).

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005. / Title from title screen. Glenn T. Eskew, committee chair; Clifford M. Kuhn, committee member. Electronic text (115 p.) : digital, PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (110-115).

This thesis concerns the reason-giving aspect of legitimacy. What reasons must be used to justify coercive laws, if citizens are to be respected as morally free and equal, in the face of their many moral, religious, and philosophical disagreements? Many theorists endorse 'political liberalism', according to which laws must be justified to all citizens by reasons that they can accept. This claim has been interpreted in two conflicting ways. The dominant view, which I call 'public reason liberalism', holds that laws must be justified by appeal to a set of values that all citizens can share, despite their many disagreements. In the first part of the thesis, I argue that this view should be rejected in favour of 'justificatory liberalism', which holds that laws must be conclusively justified to each citizen on the basis of all of their reasons. I also respond to the challenge of the 'right reasons view', which rejects the claim that laws need to be justified to citizens by reasons they can accept. Several prominent objections to political liberalism claim that it is incompatible with committed religious belief. In the second part of the thesis I investigate whether this is the case with regard to Christianity, by engaging with Christian theology. I argue that many of the common objections to political liberalism fail, but so do certain arguments that aim to show that Christians ought to endorse public reason liberalism on the basis of their religious beliefs. Nonetheless, Christians can accept political liberalism, and justificatory liberalism in particular. The requirements of justificatory liberalism and individuals' Christian beliefs will sometimes conflict, however. Justificatory liberals should accept that individuals can sometimes justifiably prioritise the latter over the former. My overall argument is that justificatory liberalism offers the best account of the reason-giving aspect of legitimacy, and that this is partly shown by its compatibility with Christian theology.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Robert D. Linder / Evangelical Christians represented a growing and influential subset of American Protestantism in the northern colonies of British America at the time of the War for Independence. Almost a century later, when southern states chose to secede from the Union, evangelical Christianity embodied the most vital expression of American religion, having been widely spread across the nation by decades of revivals. Central to their faith was a commitment to the authority of the Bible in every area of life, including political life. The New Testament seemed to command Christians to obey civil authorities. So, why did northern evangelicals overwhelmingly support the rebellion against English rule, but later criticize southern Christians for rebelling against the Union? Or why, on the other hand, were both of these actions not equally rebellious against civil authority? This dissertation argues that northern evangelical Christians employed Romans 13:1-7 between 1763 and 1863 as a political text either to resist or to promote submission to civil authority in pursuit of an America whose greatness as a democratic republic would be defined primarily by its religious character as an evangelical Protestant Christian nation. The chronological scope of this project spans the century between the end of French and Indian or Seven Years War (1763)—a crucial turning point in Colonial America’s sense of identity in relation to Great Britain—and President Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation (1863)—a crucial turning point in America’s sense of identity over the issue of slavery. Thus, the work explores the debate over American identity during the late-eighteenth and nineteenth centuries from a prominent religious perspective in light of changing understandings of the concept of submission to civil authority. The author views Romans 13:1-7 as a pivotal New Testament text informing evangelical Christian political theory in America between the Revolutionary and Civil Wars. Convictions forged by northern evangelicals in the colonial era regarding America’s status as “chosen” by God, and their attempts to construct a Christian democratic republic on this basis in the nineteenth century drove conscientious adherents of biblical authority to debate and periodically reassess the meaning of these verses in the American context. In this way, evangelicals contributed to the development of a concept that historians would later call “American exceptionalism.” Northern evangelicals, in particular, hoped to define America’s uniqueness by the degree to which those in civil authority reflected and reinforced Protestant Christian values and wedded these to American democratic republican identity. So long as the United States government fostered the attainment of their religious ideal for the nation, northern evangelicals promoted virtually absolute submission to civil authority on the basis of the command, “Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers,” found in Romans 13:1. But when they perceived the state to threaten their goal of a national Christian identity, highly qualified explanations of Romans 13:1 prevailed in northern evangelical pulpits and publications.

The political transition from the oppressive apartheid system to post-apartheid South Africa has brought considerable change to the political climate. As a result of this transition, political and religious identities were also affected. This study explores the changing identities amongst religious leaders particularly in the Northern Areas of Port Elizabeth. The research has also explored how the advent of democracy has affected the political perspectives of these religious leaders who were ministering during apartheid. A qualitative research approach was used to frame the study, which employed an exploratory research design so as to understand the current political identities of these religious leaders. The sample of the study was purposively selected using the snowball sampling technique. As a means of collecting data in-depth interviews were conducted. The themes emanating from the study were recognised as being: - Church leaders reflecting on the political climate apparent in the Northern Areas of Port Elizabeth - Church leaders reflect reasons for limited political action from certain segments of the community sighting fear and poverty as central tenets. - Church leaders reveal close link between the church and politics during the apartheid period - The activities of the church in opposing the apartheid structure - Participants reflect on the role of Church leaders specifically during this period. - Church leaders articulate their disappointment in the political environment since 1994. - Church leaders reflect how race has affected the political climate since 1994 - The changing role of the church since 1994 - The growing silence on current political issues since 1994 Based on the identified themes conclusions could be drawn on the current political and religious identities of religious leaders compared to those adopted during the apartheid period. The outcome showed that religious leaders within the Northern Areas of Port Elizabeth are disappointed in the current political government but despite this have remained silent on political issues unlike the visible activism and vocal upheaval waged against the apartheid system.

Selynn Yan Ting Lim Abstract The thesis endeavours to use the concept of relative deprivation to explain and account for the reasons behind the various manifestations of political and religious tension in Indonesia. From the most recent series of bombings in Surabaya in 2018, to the conflicts in the Maluku Islands back in 1999, it is undeniable that Indonesia is not immune to extremist activities or religious- political conflicts. The involvement of Political Entrepreneurs (PEs), such as giving a frame to people's perceived grievances, drive sentiments of being deprived in relative to other groups. Such feelings are especially made salient with the influence of social media. At the same time, the Indonesian government's advocacy of the wasatiyyah concept, which means middle-path Islam, appears to be its most effective tool in countering the trend of extremism in the society. However, such an interpretation of Islam is potentially at odds with the "right" form of Islam as practiced by the Muslims in Saudi Arabia. Faced with increasing pressure from Islamic hardliners in the society, the Indonesian state ideology - Pancasila - is under much threat as people are gradually becoming disillusioned with it.

Bibliography: leaves 129-135. / The topic is "Steve Bantu Biko: Politician, 'Historian' and 'Proponent' of African Traditional Religion". It is known by everybody that Steve Bantu Biko was a politician. This has been revealed by his teachings, what his contemporaries have written and by his commitment to the course of the struggle. He displayed a commitment to the struggle for freedom of the oppressed blacks in South Africa. His ideology was 'Black Consciousness' which was a threat to the regime and an affirmation and a creation of true humanity for the oppressed. What became clear is the fact that there is a difference between a politician and a freedom fighter. To describe him as a freedom fighter is more appropriate than a politician. He was denied free political activity by the apartheid regime which clamped down on all opponents labelling them as 'un-Christian', 'heretic', 'rebels', 'agitators' and 'terrorists'. The 'Black Consciousness' ideology was viewed by the state as subversive. The question arises, how could a person who encouraged black community programmes and black unity be regarded as a terrorist? Fear from the whites of a black majority government is the cause for such an attitude. He was indeed a man of peace, an activist and not a terrorist. It has been noticeable that politics, history and religion are inseparable. This is a response to those who wonder what politics has to do with religion.

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