John Stuart Mill’s Representative Government argues that the ideal form of government is representative. In this paper, I interpret Mill’s argument as a utilitarian argument for a political system with the salient feature of authoritative public participation. Mill argues for this feature in the first three chapters of Representative Government. This argument is interpreted in the context of Mill’s utilitarian views as elaborated in Utilitarianism, with emphasis on Mill’s understanding of pleasure formation and high quality utility.

This thesis is a study of Parties as an outflow of societal changes where the aim has been to find out how parties are affected by societal changes and how they justify to new party formation. This is done by using a theory called Parties as an outflow of societal changes which is a theory developed by Swedish researchers in Political Science. To confirm the theory it is necessary to do an argumentation analysis of one external developed party’s electoral program. In this case the party selected is Feminist Initiative which brings a different view on how the society of Sweden should look like. Selected parts of the argumentative analysis will be examined with the purpose to give a perspective on how Feminist Initiative values the changes in society and how they describe their role as a new party. The main question of this study is; Are new parties an outflow of societal changes? The basic arguments includes that along with societal changes in Western Europe also changes the view of a representative democracy in which political parties play a central role. It is clear that societies have changed in different ways with the rampage of the globalization. Media’s role in the political realm has also increased and influences more in society. In the case of Sweden political parties have raised with different ideals, goals and visions of how Swedish society should look like. The result should confirm the thesis that changes in society contributes to party formation.

The aim of this study is to investigate wether the participatory democracy is a threat or a complement to the representative democracy. To achieve my purpose I will focus on two different lokal councils, the civil council in Hovsjö and the youth council in Västra Skogås, which have been objects of the urban policy in 1998. The theoretical framework on which this study is based consists of the participation democratic theory, representative democratic theory and implementation theory. By problemizing these theoretical frameworks in comparison with eachother I will mapp how these two lokal councils were implemented. The research question is: In what way was the civil council and the youth council a complement or threat to the representative democracy? In which way was it difficult to implement them? The method used for this purpose is a qualitative comparative case study. In this study I derive an ideal type to be able to compare the participatory and the representative democratic theory. Four contrasts between the theoretical frameworks are being studied to investigate whether the two councils has functioned as threats or complements to the representative democracy. The main result of the study is that these two councils met several problems in the implementationprocess. The participation democracy were not able to function as a complement to the representative democracy. In many ways it was a threat but also the actors in the representative democracy were not willing to delegate power and decisions to the citizens.

Abstract Recently, The ¡uDigital Revolution¡vchanges the store of the knowledge. The traditional conveyance of knowledge, book, have been gradually replaced by store equipments that have immense storage. Then, the internet totally changes information of the exchange. For the reason, the new storage technology and the specialization of the internet make the application and management of information a new landmark. The provision and exchange of public information are the essential activities in a democratic regime. But local study mostly focus on the administration, little study on legislative Yuan. Hence, this paper is intended to investigate representative behavior of Taiwan¡¦s legislators. Legislators are the representative of constituency. They are not only responsible for constituency, but need to monitor administration, law-making. Exchange of information is of utmost significance. The appearance of internet has positive affect on representative behavior of legislators, this paper discuss all of topics. Finally, after the seventh phrase of constitutional reform, the number of seats that legislators have reduce to half in th legislature. In addition, the legislators suffer the pressure of a single-constituency, two ballot system. I believe that legislators¡¦ paying more attention to the access the internet helps improve the quality of the activating in constituencies. I expect that the results of this study may increase the legislature revolution.

The motive of this is to treat [The study on the correlation between the media exposure rate and the ways of interpellation of the representatives and their interactions with the press.---The case of The Kaohsiung City Council]¡CAccording to Yuon-Mau Chao(1988), through practicing the interpellation by the representatives, the city council is able to oversee and to check and balance the administrative department, to reveal the administration deficiency and abuse, make people understand the problems of the their township and reflect the opinions of the citizen; The interpellation is not just the right but also the obligation of the representatives, but not all the topics concerned by the representatives are favored by the press. Therefore, this thesis is to study how would the ways of interpellation of the representatives and their interaction with the press correlated with the media exposure rate¡D According to the historical documents of Kaohsiung City Council, After Taiwan was recovered from Japan, a bill named "the Plans for Establishing Representative Organizations at Different Levels" was implemented on December 26,1945 to carry out local autonomy. According to the promulgated regulations of "Organization Act of City People's Political Councils" and "Election Act of City Councilors", Kaohsiung City People's Political Council was founded on April 13, 1946. It was renamed as Kaohsiung City Council on January 11, 1951 and was subjected to Taiwan Provincial Assembly. On July 1, 1979, Kaohsiung City was elevated to a special municipality under the direct supervision of Executive Yuan and The City Council shifted to Kaohsiung City Provisional Council. On December 25, 1981, the councilors of the first term of the City Council of Kaohsiung special municipality were inaugurated¡CNowadays, the 7th term of the City Council of Kaohsiung has 44 councilors, including the KMT¡BPFT¡BDPP¡BTSU and NPA et al but they can be grouped into two main factions : the Blue faction(KMT¡BPFT) and the Green faction(DPP¡BTSU); No matter which faction the councilors are belonged to, most of them would strive for more government resources through official or nonofficial to be denoted to local constructions in order to consolidate his influence and votes¡D The councilors directly elected by the people are responsible for speaking for the people and have the right to canvass the bills and the budget for the city government¡CTherefore, the action of the councilor is going to affect some people, and become one of the resources of important news¡CBut not all representatives¡¦ speeches and actions are going to be favored by the press and gain a positive report, the correlation between the media exposure rate and the ways of interpellation of the representatives and their interaction with the press is the key theme of this research¡D This study takes the 7th term councilors of the City Council of Kaohsiung as the research population, and apply the [case study method] to study the correlations between the interpellation of the councilors in the parliament¡Bthe public hearing outside the parliament¡Bsymposium¡Bmediation council¡Bpress conference¡Bprotest led by the councilor et al and the councilors¡¦ interactions with the press and the media exposure rate. We hope to find out some valuable conclusions and concrete advises on the councilors shooting for media exposure and the presentations of the news by the reporters¡D

Thesis (M.P.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-126).

In a representative democracy the people's representatives are expected to do what the people would do if they were present in person. To attain this ideal requires that the legislature in its composition embodies the politically relevant diversity that exists within society, and that the legislature has power to act. These two requirements are prevalent among significant theories of representation, post- Charter court rulings, and the commonly accepted expectations of the people themselves. Typically, the composition of the BC legislature is not representative; and the legislature lacks power to act. The Single Member Plurality electoral system manufactures majorities in the legislature where none exist among the people. Most voters are not represented in the legislature, and the artificial majorities give cabinet undue power. When cabinet has too much power, the concept of responsible government is subverted, MLAs lose their independence, and are beholden to their political party, instead of their constituents. Replacing the Single Member Plurality system with the Single Transferable Vote has the potential to give voters more choice, waste fewer votes, bring greater diversity into the legislature, lessen party discipline, weaken the power of the Premier and cabinet, increase the power of the legislature, restore responsible government, render government more responsive to changing public demands, reconnect government to the people, and give voters power over their representatives. Our electoral system is designed to benefit political parties - not people. Therefore, change will not likely originate with parties and party activists. It must come from the people themselves, aided perhaps by the courts.

Dancewalks är ett platsspecifikt danskonstverk skapat och uppfört i olika semioffentliga rum. Den här kvalitativa studien undersöker resultatet och effekterna av en Dancewalks i Malmö där 30 arkitekter och stadsplanerare deltog. Dancewalks är i sig själv ett performance vilket påverkar studien och därför också undersökningsprocessen. Det teoretiska ramverket utgår från Non representative theory och teorier om hur människor interagerar i rum. Tillvägagångssättet för studien är en triangulering av observation, fokusgrupp och semistrukturerade intervjuer. Studiens resultat visar att Dancewalks påverkar; hur deltagarna interagerar med platsen, hur deltagarna upplever platsen, deltagarnas uppfattning om hur platsen påverkar dem och deras medvetenhet om rörelsemönster. Studien kommer även fram till att Dancewalks kan användas som en metod för samhällsplanering såsom samverkansprojekt, intern och extern kommunikation och som ett verktyg att bättre förstå stadsrummet. / Dancewalks is a site-specific contemporary dance performance created and performed in urban spaces. This qualitative case study investigates the outcome of one Dancewalks performed in Malmö in which 30 architects and urban planners participated. The theoretical framework is within Non Representative theory and theories about human interaction in space. The method used in this study is a triangulation of observation, focus groups and non structured interviews. Dancewalks is in itself a performance, which has an impact on the study and therefore the research process. The study concludes that Dancewalks has an influence on; the way the participants interact with space, the participants’ perception of space, their perception of spaces’ impact on them and their awareness of movement patterns. The study also concludes that Dancewalks could be used as a method for urban planning such as collaborative planning, internal and external communication and as a tool to better understand urban spaces.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed December 3, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-343).

Submitted to the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 2003. / Adviser: William Moomaw. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-248). Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;