This dissertation explores civil-military relations in democratizing contexts, specifically how the historical relationship between the military and the broader public shapes responses to political crises such as riots and revolutions. I develop a novel theory, rooted in civil-military relations literature from political science and sociology, for how an army's historical interactions with the population and with foreign sponsors create doctrine by shaping organizational culture and practices toward the population. Doctrine, in turn, influences the military’s response to a popular uprising. The foundations of military doctrine are historical and include the military's institutional origins, role in national independence, and relationship to the ruling party. Subsequently, doctrinal innovation occurs as a result of interacting with the domestic population and foreign military sponsors. The dissertation features qualitative case studies of Tunisia, Egypt, and Syria during the Arab Spring and a quantitative data analysis of major uprisings worldwide since 1950. Both qualitative and quantitative evidence demonstrate that the nature of military doctrine explains soldiers' behavior during popular uprisings better than alternative arguments based on capacity, patronage, and ethnicity.

The study seeks to analyze the &ldquo / Tulip Revolution&rdquo / , its reasons and outcomes. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, newly independent Central Asian countries / Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan emerged in the world politics as independent sates. However, used to be parts of big complex system of former Soviet Union and being lack of government experience in politic and economic area made them to dependent on external actors. One of the main external actors has become United States with its promotion of democracy and liberalization, while the Russia was challenging not to lose its political and economical influence in these states. As a result of these external powers&rsquo / policy, within the time the leaders of these states found themselves in the complex choices, pro-Western or pro-Russian. Therefore political and economic developments of these states have become vulnerable. For these reasons the &lsquo / coloured revolutions&rsquo / in post-Soviet states, which was the struggle between the pro-Western and pro-Russian elites, were not a coincidence. The study argues that although &ldquo / Tulip Revolution&rdquo / had similarities in its occurrence with previous &lsquo / colourful revolutions&rsquo / the main reasons of the &ldquo / Tulip Revolution&rdquo / were the internal reasons, external reasons were only the accelerator factors. Analyzing of these reasons is the main goal of thesis.

This thesis aims to analyze the early modernization processes in the Ottoman Empire and Iran up to the end of their eventual constitutional revolutions of the early twentieth century in a comparative manner. In looking at the countries&rsquo / modernization processes, it emphasizes the importance of foreign influence &ndash / that of Western powers and Russia. It argues that these processes were a response to the rising socio-political and economic power of the West and Western intrusions into the territories of each state. In the Turkish case, the modernization process was mainly led by the rising Ottoman - Turkish intelligentsia despite the differences between the Young Ottomans, the Young Turks and the Committee of Union and Progress members. In the Iranian case, the modernization process was carried out mainly as a grassroots movement comprising reformist intellectuals, members of the ulema, the bazaaris (merchants), trade guilds people, workers and radical members of secret societies. In view of these aspects of the modernization processes taken in the two states, this thesis reveals that both cases ended up replacing their traditional political system with a constitutional monarchy with the aim of saving and reforming the state. The study of the outcomes of the modernizing process in the two states highlights the dissimilarities which are listed as the engagement in alliance-making and wars with the Great Powers, the role of the military, state bureaucracy, the connection between the ulema and the state and nationalist movements.

Thesis (doctoral)--Vrije Universiteit te Amsterdam, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 361-382) and index.

As a conjunctural construct located between politics, society and art, the popular-democratic construes the resistance literature of the 1970s and 1980s as being expressive of an entire social movement to end oppression and transform society. Through the construct of the popular-democratic voices that have been marginalised, fragmented, dislocated, excluded or otherwise silenced can be seen in relation to each other and to the sources of oppression. The introductory chapter addresses the characteristics of the popular-democratic, and the caveats and challenges that attend it. The remaining nine chapters are divided into three sections of three chapters each. The first section examines repression of different types: structural repression, coercive repression/state violence and cultural repression. An important index of the structural oppression of apartheid is the home, which a range of resistance writers addressed in depth when they dealt with city life and the townships, forced removals, homeless people, rural struggles, migrants and hostels, commuting, the "homelands" and exile. The coercive apparatus of the state, the security forces, were used against dissidents in the neighbouring states and within the country. The literature addresses the effects of the cross border raids, assassinations, abductions and bombings. The literature that deals with internal repression examines the effects of the mass detentions, restrictions, listings and bannings as well as the impact of the states of emergency, P.W. Botha's "total strategy", and the actions of the death squads. An examination of the conservative liberal constructions of resistance literature helps to clarify why resistance literature remains inadequately conceptualised ("Soweto poets", "protest literature") although there has been a vibrant and challenging corpus. The way in which the audience of resistance literature is constructed is identified as a key problem. The responses of various resistance writers, in poems, interviews, letters and articles, to conservative liberal prescriptions are contextualised. The middle section of the argument focuses on the organisations that developed to challenge oppression. Through an examination of the literature that was influenced by the activism and the cultural and philosophical production of Black Consciousness, it is apparent that the movement was continuous with the rest of the struggle for liberation. The satirical poems that challenged both the state and the conservative liberals offer powerful displays of verbal wit. The struggles of workers are addressed through texts that deal with their plight and call for worker organisations. The trade union COSA TV paid close attention to the development of worker culture, which proved to be critical when the state cracked down on the resistance organisations. The production values and effects of very different plays about strikes, The Long March and Township Fever receive particular attention. The rise of the United Democratic Front (UDF) is anticipated in literature that celebrates the potential of ordinary South Africans to achieve political significance through unity. Constructed out of substantial ideological pluralism, the UDF arose as an act of political imagination and organisational strategy. The ideological convergence between the UDF and COSATU on the question of bidding for state power constituted a turning-point in a nation built on the intolerance of difference. The last section focuses more closely on the productive responses of the culture of resistance to specific aspects of repression, such as the censorship of the media and the arts, the killings of activists, the struggles around education and the keeping of historical records (which enable an interrogation and reconstruction of discursive and interpretive authority). / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Durban-Westville, 1998.

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This study is a cross-examination of the theory of revolution and the historical view of English society and politics in the late eighteenth century. Historical research focused upon the most respected (if not the most recent) works containing theory and information about the effects of the French Revolution on English society and politics. Research into the theory of revolution was basically a selection process whereby a few of the most extensive and reasonable theories were chosen for use.The cross-study of the two fields revealed that, although historians view it as politically conservative and generally complacent, English society, fettered by antiquated political institutions and keenly aware of the recent French Revolution, contained all the elements conducive to rebellion listed by the theorists of revolution. In the final analysis, research indicated revolution did not occur in England because of the confluence of political, military and social events in England and France. / Department of History

Thomas Kuhn's essay The Structure of Scientific Revolutions has had an overwhelming impact upon academics from various fields, creating a virtual paradigm industry. Authors have frequently had recourse to Kuhn's book, applying insights into the structure and development of the sciences to nonscientific fields. This essay presents a critical review of Kuhn citation in the music-theoretic literature, first reviewing similar citation analyses in the humanities and the social sciences for comparison. While much of the Kuhn citation is problematic, music scholars are found to sin less broadly than those in other fields. After reviewing some of the salient distinctions between scientific and nonscientific endeavors, some of Kuhn's insights into science are found to clarify an issue in the history of music theory, namely the nature of the succession from figured-bass theory to the formulations of J. P. Rameau.

Thesis (M.A.)--Flinders University, School of Political and International Studies. / Typescript bound. Includes bibliographical references: (leaves 221-238) Also available online.

Cette étude traite une question de grande importance en jetant la lumière sur la presse électronique arabe et fait la comparaison avec la presse digitale européenne et américaine, à travers la connaissance du phénomène de la presse électronique, ses caractéristiques, ses aspects négatifs et la situation des journalistes et leurs syndicats, leur engagement dans la déontologie professionnelle à travers leur travail dans la presse électronique.L'étude traite la faiblesse de la presse électronique arabe, son incapacité à faire la concurrence avec les journaux digitaux européens et américains. Elle jette la lumière sur les raisons de cette faiblesse, les aspects négatifs de la presse électronique arabe à cause de la faiblesse des réseaux de l'Internet et la faiblesse de ses utilisateurs dans le monde arabe, à cause de la domination des régimes arabes qui considèrent la presse électronique comme ennemie de sa domination sur la liberté de l'expression. / This study deals with an issue of great importance in shedding light on Arabic electronic media and makes the comparison with European and American digital press, through the knowledge of the phenomenon of electronic media, its features, its negative aspects and the situation of Journalists and their unions, their commitment to professional ethics through their work in the electronic media.The study discusses the weaknesses of the Arab electronic media, its inability to compete with European and American digital newspapers.It sheds light on the reasons for these weaknesses, the negative aspects of Arab electronic media because of the weakness of the Internet networks and the few number of its users in the Arab world because of the domination of Arab regimes consider electronic media as an enemy of its rule on freedom of expression.