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Living as a white Zimbabwean in the 1990s meant a near-perfect life: your clothes were always clean and ironed, there was always tea in the silver teapot, gins and tonics were served on the verandah, and, in theory at least, black and white lived in harmony. As Mugabe’s presidency turned sour, however, this idyllic and privileged world began to crumble into anarchy. My family and I left to escape the political violence in 2002, and moved to New Zealand. My novel Ngozi draws on these experiences to tell the story of one troubled white family who struggle to stay afloat in the collapsing economy and escalating horror of Mugabe’s Zimbabwe. The story is told through the eyes of a young white girl, who is partly based on myself. When the farm invasions begin, the violence threatens to destroy the family’s way of life forever. They eventually leave Zimbabwe, but escaping the vengeful ghosts (‘ngozi’) of their past still seems impossible.

Once the breadbasket of Southern Africa, Zimbabwe has undergone a radical transformation presently characterized by ever increasing rates of HIV and AIDS, low population growth, acute food shortages, radically decreasing life expectancy, hyperinflation, and insecurity of life and property. Additionally, the growing brutality of political and electoral oppression has engendered significant domestic, regional, and international condemnation of the Zimbabwean government. News media, human rights organizations, and foreign governments have all voiced their concern for the rapid deterioration of Zimbabwe. This thesis analyzes the course of Zimbabwe's economic, political, and social decline between its independence in 1980 and 2005. While popular interpretations place blame predominantly upon President Robert Mugabe and the Zimbabwe African Union-Patriotic Front, this thesis offers a more nuanced explanation for Zimbabwe's current crisis. This view contends that the structural adjustment policies of the Bretton Woods institutions, in concert with the breakdown of democratic institutions and the implementation of radical land reform policies led to Zimbabwe's current economic, political, and social decline.

During the month of November 2017, the President of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe was taken into custody by Zimbabwe’s military. This was a move in order to shift the governmental power after which Mugabe after almost 40 years as President of Zimbabwe resigned from his post.   The thesis contains a Ccritical Ddiscourse Aanalysis of articles published by one of the world’s great newspapers during this shift of power. The newspaper analysed is the British newspaper ‘The Guardian’. The analysis studied which characters and major topics are represented in the articles and how they are represented to see what fits inside The Guardian’s news reporting on the final events in the shift of power in Zimbabwe. In order to find these discursive attributes, pictures linked to the articles were analysed, the context in which the events happened as well as the discourse used in the articles from a perspective of orientalism, post-colonialism and ideology. Other theoretical aspects used are framing, representation and critical Critical Ddiscourse Sstudies.   The empirical case in this research project involves three articles collected from T‘the Guardian ’ reaching from the reporting of Mugabe’s firing of his vice President, Emmerson Mnangagwa to the reporting of Robert Mugabe resigning as President of Zimbabwe.   The interest in this study is springing from the normative approach of news media to provide an objective story to the readers while providing the whole picture. With this mission many different challenges come along of orientalist and post-colonial character, as ‘the Guardian’The Guardian is a British newspaper and Zimbabwe being a former British colony.   The results concluded an absence of post-colonial and orientalist representations in the news frames regarding Zimbabwe and its population, the most ideologically charged instances rather revolved around Robert and Grace Mugabe.

To learn how international actors use their discourse as a power tool in an international debate can it help us to understand how they use it to gain leverage and influence the international debate. The international debate this thesis will focus on is the debate around Zimbabwe’s president Robert Mugabe, a heavily debated leader. The three chosen actors who view Robert Mugabe very differently and have interest in Zimbabwe are; China, United Kingdom and South Africa. The analytical framework that is used to understand how the actors influence the debate is based on Steven Lukes theory on the Three-dimensional view of Power, to see how issues are included or excluded from the public debate. Steven Lukes concept of Power as Domination will also be used to analyze the discourse the actors are conducting. The thesis methodological framework will be a Critical Discourse Analysis, where the focus is on the relation between the social contexts and the linguistic. When talking about Robert Mugabe the actors have used different discourses describing him very differently. The discourse that the chosen actors have been using have had its foundation in a specific moments or incidents to which he is described very differently. This thesis will also show how the chosen actors try to dominate the international debate regarding Robert Mugabe by describing him each in their specific way.

The aim of this diploma thesis is to analyze the economic and political development of Botswana and Zimbabwe in the last 50 years. Emphasis is placed mainly on the contradictory development in both countries, as the previously flourishing economy of Zimbabwe almost collapsed in the last decade, while the once poor Botswana gradually became Africa's miracle and role model for the optimal development policy. This thesis also seeks to propose measures that would help the distressed Zimbabwean economy to overcome this crisis and return on the growth path once again.

With more than 75% of its population experiencing poverty, Zimbabwe was in 2012 considered one of the world's poorest countries. The country sits at the centre of the global HIV/AIDS epidemic and remains one of the hardest hit countries accounting for 5% of all new infections in sub-Saharan Africa. Zimbabwe's 15% HIV prevalence rate was 19 times the global average by 2012, and the total years of life lost due to premature mortality increased by over 150% between 1990 and 2010 because of HIV/AIDS. This study draws on notions of 'governmentality' to ask how the 'framing' of the value of PLWHA has influenced their treatment by the Zimbabwean government and society. Four questions are posed: first the study asks, in what ways do health policy decision-makers in Zimbabwe frame the value of people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA)? Secondly, the study questions the ways in which people not infected by HIV (Non-PLWHA) frame the value of PLWHA. Thirdly, the study turns to PLWHA and asks how they frame their own value. Finally, the study investigates the implications of valuing PLWHA, for their lives, or conversely, their deaths. The study draws upon primary research undertaken through interviews, focus group discussions, observations and document review. While there are some contradictions within and between groups of study participants in the ways they frame the value of PLWHA; the study finds consensus within and between these groups in the manner in which they tend to value PLWHA. Analysing these findings, there are five ways people in Zimbabwe frame the value of PLWHA. Firstly, from a 'citizen' perspective, PLWHA are both legal and political citizens who can identify as equal members of society like other citizens. They have social rights; participate, belong and can access HIV treatment that can reduce risks of death. Secondly, from a 'client' standpoint; PLWHA are customers, gaining access to health services through individual monetary payments or social payments such as Government budget allocations. This introduces a degree of 'rationing', forcing the clients (PLWHA) to behave in ways that increase their chances of receiving services. Those with lower purchasing power struggle to access expensive life-saving anti-retrovirals, thus individual wealth confers value on the lives of the wealthy. Thirdly, framing from a Statistical Representation perspective - through statistics, PLWHA can be used as a means of bargaining for government to gain access to international funding, to increase the chances of survival for PLWHA by bringing services such as antiretroviral therapy (ART). Fourthly, the 'Expendable populations' perspective views subgroups of PLWHA who fail to adhere to norms of behaviour prescribed by the government, including those unable to purchase services, such as the poor and homosexuals, sex workers and prisoners, as populations that may be allowed to die. Finally, the study shows that PLWHA lament the discursive space of technocrats with a counter-narrative of their value in which they emerge not as expendable victims but as victors reframed as an indefatigable population - 'Resiliencers'. PLWHA create a narrative of disobedient materiality, challenging totalising notions of governmentality. This study concludes by considering the relevance in the Zimbabwean context of the concept of 'Allowable Death' as a premature, avoidable death despite consciously crafted narratives that the death happened because nothing could have been done under the prevailing conditions to prevent it.