Agricultural modernisation

Energy devices in rural areas of Surat district (Gujarat)

The goal of this research was to better understand how farm families adapt to global environmental and political-economic change to secure their livelihoods and to build more resilient food systems. The dissertation reports on five iterative cycles of participatory action research that resulted in a diversity of pragmatic, conceptual and theoretical outcomes. I first examined how farmers adapted to the BSE (bovine spongiform encephalopathy) crisis in the Canadian Prairies, identifying three general adaptation types: ‘exiting’ from beef production or agriculture; ‘enduring’ through adaptations that seek stability; and ‘innovating’ to pursue new opportunities, including direct farm marketing and cooperatives as important forms of grassroots adaptation. Next, I reported on a five-year action research project that developed a “civic food network” in rural Manitoba, which emerged in large part as a response to the BSE crisis. This case study examined the tensions, politics and opportunities that arise through the intensely socially embedded relationships that underpin these grassroots innovations. I argue that CFNs must productively engage with difference if they are to reach their full potential for rural development and social change. Next, I examine the barriers that confront the local food movement, especially as they relate to food safety regulations. A series of short articles and videos are presented that were used to buttress the political efforts of our participatory action research team to advocate for scale-appropriate regulations in Manitoba. Next, I examined my PhD research as a whole to illustrate how participatory action research transgresses “academic” and “non-academic” knowledge and space to mobilize knowledge in intentional processes of social transformation. Through this research, we developed three Knowledge Mobilization strategies. These include: Using transmedia to exchange knowledge via multiple platforms and mediums; “setting hooks” to draw together diverse knowledge communities; and layering to deliver knowledge at varying levels of detail and complexity. Finally, through a performative autoethnographic script, I deconstruct graduate education, the dissertation and the professionalizing discourses that impede a vibrant “public scholarship” in Universities. As a whole, this participatory action research simultaneously argues for and also embodies democratic approaches to research and to agriculture and food practice and policy.

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My study challenges our current valorization of movement and flow in readings of African American literature. I do so through an exploration of the representations of the black agrarian masses who either choose to remain or could not afford the spectacular forms of escape to urban life which many essentialized as freedom. In the dramatic and pivotal decades following emancipation, African American leaders attempted to check the growing apartheid by the “combination” of diverse African American communities: North and South, professional and working class. This required that they move beyond the question of whether one was free or slave to the more tangled questions of freedom related to economic class, access to and distinctions of culture, and the opportunities of the city versus the country. Their writing was one means to seek out a more nationally defined community, but their efforts towards racial unity had to resolve the conspicuous differences regarding region and class. A difficult negotiation of difference ensued. In this negotiation, I argue, an agrarian form of freedom manifests itself in the literature of the professional class despite the intraracial pressures of “uplift” ideology which skewed representation toward middle-class life. The politics as well as the values and culture of the agrarian class surface. The agrarian themes of community, remaining, and an environmentalism of the poor contest the valorization of urban industrialism and self-made man ideology which are linked to presentations of a city-life as a life of freedom.

Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) individuals are often exposed to stressors based on their nonheterosexual status; they may have unique needs related to help-seeking for mental health in a rural area where more people identify as religious or as politically conservative. To date, there have been no studies on the mental health help-seeking experiences of LGB individuals in rural Northern Michigan. This qualitative, single case study was completed to explore the help-seeking experiences of 10 LGB individuals who were recruited through criterion and snowball sampling. In-depth, semi structured interviews were conducted. Transcribed interview data were entered into Nvivo software for coding and then examined through two perspectives: Meyer's minority stress theory and Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory. Thematic analysis identified three themes: (a) reasons for seeking treatment, which included experiences of distal stressors and proximal stress reactions, (b) experiences with the help-seeking process, and (c) suggestions for improving the help-seeking process. Findings of the study were that distal stressors increased feelings of isolation and 'otherness' When individuals sought help, they encountered barriers related to lack of resource options, lack of acceptance or feelings of passivity. This created a sense of distrust with providers, thus affecting future help-seeking. The results of this study draw attention to LGB population in rural Northern Michigan, who may be inadequately treated based on little community acceptance, few provider options, and negative provider reactions. The knowledge generated from this study could lead to improved services and reduce the aforementioned disparities for this population.

No description available.

Comment se fabriquent les vocations agrobiologiques ? Si l’émergence, l’institutionnalisation et la transformation de l’agriculture biologique en objet d’action publique laissent à penser qu’un segment professionnel s’autonomise, notre enquête montre que les agriculteurs biologiques ne peuvent entièrement échapper à l’action de la profession et de l’encadrement agricoles ainsi qu’aux systèmes de classement produits par leurs pairs. Derrière l’enjeu technique qui consiste à produire sans intrants de synthèse se jouent en effet des luttes pour définir et contrôler le titre d’agriculteur. Ces luttes se jouent à un niveau institutionnel et interpersonnel et ont pour effet de délimiter les frontières du territoire professionnel. De ce point de vue, la figure de « l’agriculteur professionnel » (pratiquant une agriculture à temps complet, intensive et spécialisée) continue à structurer l’économie morale du groupe professionnel et son segment agrobiologique : la sélection et la hiérarchisation des représentants, des encadrants et des producteurs s’opèrent alors en fonction de leur plus ou moins grand ajustement à cette forme d’agriculture. Dès les années 1950, la sélection des dirigeants agrobiologiques s’opère sur leur acceptation de la division de plus en plus réglée des tâches de représentation, de conception, d’encadrement et de production. C’est ce que nous montrons dans un premier temps à partir de l’analyse des archives de la société Lemaire-Boucher et des archives personnelles de Raoul Lemaire, à la fois producteur, boulanger, entrepreneur, sélectionneur et homme politique. L’homme échoue dans sa croisade morale en faveur de l’agriculture biologique précisément parce qu’il se situe à l’intersection d’espaces occupés par des agents de plus en plus spécialisés. À partir d’entretiens semi-directifs, d’observations directes et d’un questionnaire auprès du personnel scientifique et technique participant au contrôle des vocations agrobiologiques, nous analysons ensuite ce contrôle, qui s’opère à bas bruit et de manière indirecte depuis les années 1980. La focale portée sur le processus d’institutionnalisation du segment et sur les logiques de recrutement et de travail des agents d’encadrement permet de montrer que la sélection des agriculteurs biologiques s’opère d’abord par la sélection de ceux qui les sélectionnent. De ce point de vue, l’émergence d’une nouvelle forme d’agriculture n’entraîne pas mécaniquement l’émergence d’un espace d’encadrement autonome : d’un côté, la construction de l’agriculture biologique comme objet de recherche légitime contribue à isoler les chercheurs des agriculteurs — et donc à renforcer les effets du processus de professionnalisation — ; d’un autre côté, l’institutionnalisation de l’agriculture biologique contribue à la naissance d’un appareil d’encadrement dual reposant sur une division morale du travail, entre des organisations et agents d’encadrement favorisant la reproduction de la figure de l’agriculteur professionnel et d’autres dont l’action consiste à ménager des espaces où l’hétérodoxie reste possible.Le contrôle des vocations agrobiologiques s’opère aussi entre agriculteurs, comme l’analyse la troisième partie, basée sur une enquête à dominante ethnographique en Midi-Pyrénées. Nous y montrons que les coûts d’entrée, de sortie et de maintien en agriculture biologique sont différenciés selon l’origine et la trajectoire sociales des agriculteurs, mais également selon la valeur de leur patrimoine de ressources au sein du groupe professionnel agricole. Tant leurs choix professionnels que leur style de vie sont évalués à l’aune de l’idéal modernisateur et professionnel de l’après-guerre. Dès lors, l’origine agricole, le capital symbolique procuré par le diplôme d’agronome, les ressources d’autochtonie, le capital économique et le patrimoine sont autant de ressources qui permettent à certains agriculteurs biologiques d’être considérés comme de « bons professionnels ». / How does one get into organic farming? Even though it has gained its autonomy as a segment, organic farming is not free from the structural constraints imposed to farmers as an occupational group. To produce food without any pesticides is not only a technical matter. Behind that lies a struggle to define and control who is licensed to be a farmer. This struggle takes place both at an institutional and interpersonal level and revolves around the definition of farming. In that matter, the definition inherited from the “modernisation” period (from the 1950s onwards) still has consequences on the way farmers are selected, on the way extension services work and on the way farmers are represented by professional organisations. Our main aim is therefore to understand the effects of “professional farming” on the way people come to organic farming, practice it and talk about it, and on how it creates social and professional differentiation between organic farmers. First, we consider the effects of this new moral economy on the way organic farmers are represented. By analysing the archives of Raoul Lemaire, one of the first advocate of organic farming in France, we show that his moral crusade to represent small scale farmers – and organic farmers in particular – doesn’t succeed because the personal domination he wants to build his power on tends to be replaced by a less personal and more bureaucratic domination embodied by “la profession” : therefore, organic farming lacks visibility from the very beginning of its existence in France in the end of the 1950s. Then, relying on semi-structured interviews and on a survey, we emphasize that the institutional control of who is allowed to be an organic farmer doesn’t depend entirely on organic organisations. By focusing on the way people are recruited and work in specialised and non-specialised research and extension organisations, we show that the selection of the people who select farmers is paramount in reproducing the definition of the occupational territory inherited from the “modernisers”. Finally, relying on qualitative material (observations and semi-structured interviews mainly), we show that there are multiple ways to get into organic farming but also unequal means to resist to the modernisers’ moral economy: thus, being from a farmer’s background and/or being trained as an agronomist and/or having local social capital tend to differentiate some organic farmers form others. Therefore, the technical and symbolic unification of the farming occupational group that took place after 1945, still has important effects on the way the group, the organic segment and rural areas more generally are socially stratified.

The New Negro Movement (often called the Harlem Renaissance) made black creative production visible to an extent unprecedented in American History. Complex representations of African Americans started to infiltrate a popular culture previously dominated by stereotypes; people from all walks of life were confronted for the first time with art made by African Americans that asked them to think in new ways about the meaning of race in America. The term Harlem Renaissance conjures up images of urban America, but the creative energies of many New Negro figures were actually focused elsewhere—on rural America. Urbanite Jean Toomer spent time teaching in an agricultural college in the rural South, and wrote award-winning poetry and prose about that experience. Langston Hughes wrote blues lyrics about the struggles of rural migrants in New York that highlighted the complex interconnections of rural and urban experience. And the pioneer black filmmaker Oscar Micheaux incorporated numerous fictionalized accounts of his own experiences as a homesteader in South Dakota into his race movies and novels. New Negro writers asserted that their art shaped how people understood themselves and were understood by others. Accordingly, this project examines both literary representations, and how literary works related to the real lives and struggles of rural African Americans. My research combines archival, literary, and biographical materials to analyze the aesthetic choices of three New Negro authors (Hughes, Micheaux, and Toomer), and explain the interrelated literary and cultural contexts that shaped their depictions of African American rural life. Houston Baker, in his influential 1987 book Modernism and the Harlem Renaissance, defined black modernism as an awareness of radical uncertainty in human life. My central contention is that one of the most radical uncertainties in interwar-period America was the changing rural landscape. I revisit the largely-forgotten (though large-scale) social movement to fight rural outmigration by modernizing rural life. And I argue that, rather than accepting the simple binary that took the urban to be modern and the rural backward, African Americans in the 1920s created and experienced complicated formulations of the rural and its connections to modern blackness. / text

Recent queer scholarship challenges the academy’s longstanding urban and adult oriented trajectory, pointing to the way such studies ignore rural and heartland regions of the country as well as the experiences of youth. In this thesis, I craft a limited ethnographic methodological approach together with a textual analysis of The Oprah Winfrey Show to deliver portraits of gay men living in various rural or heartland areas who use their television sets to encounter and identify with LGBTQ people across the nation. The overarching aim of this project is to explore the ways in which religion, rurality, and Oprah coalesce in the process of identity creation to form rural gay men’s conceptual selves and how they are then informed by that identity formation. I will focus my textual analyses through the frames of six of Oprah Winfrey’s “ultimate viewers” to elucidate how they receive and interact with her star text, how they use television sets in the public rooms of their homes to create boundary public spheres, and how they are impacted by the show’s various uses of the coming out paradigm. In so doing, this thesis seeks to contribute to the scholarship of rural queer studies, television studies, and Oprah studies. / text