Thesis (doctoral)--Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, München, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Peshawar, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-171).

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, June, 2005. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-71)

This thesis was inspired by the question of how the state addresses irregular challenges for its survival and reputation. It used an example of the confrontation between illegal armed groups (IAGs) operating in the North Caucasus and the Russian state in 2007-2014. Investigation started by asking to what extent do repressive and reconciliatory counter tactics decrease the level of violence produced by illegal armed groups? The thesis was situated in-between of deterrence and backlash theories to examine (in)effectiveness of repressive and reconciliatory policies. It accounted for (in)effectiveness by investigating whether the policy decreases or increases the level of insurgency-related violence; namely, whether it causes deterrence or backlash, in the case of repression or, alternatively, whether it causes conformity or backlash in the case of reconciliation. The thesis operationalised its main variables by disaggregating the strategy into separate repressive and reconciliatory tactics. It considered, on the one hand, three types of IAGs tactics: armed assault, bombings (suicide bombing, vehicle bomb, bomb placement, bomb tossing, firing, fake bomb) and hostage taking. One the other hand, the state tactics were divided into four categories: repressive indiscriminate (regime of counterterrorist operation, clash, and shelling), repressive discriminate (special operation, shooting, arrest, seizure, and detection), reconciliatory indiscriminate (involvement of civil society through dialogue, and socio-economic development), and reconciliatory discriminate (amnesty and reintegration). The thesis expected targeted repressive operations to suppress active IAGs members, whereas socio-economic incentives to contribute to maintaining the success of violent repressive operations. To test these hypotheses, the thesis relied on large empirical data, specially collected from the open sources, including 3270 episodes of IAG-initiated violence and 6114 governmental repressive actions. Data for reconciliatory efforts was taken from official statistics. The thesis used a generalized linear negative binomial and a generalized additive negative binomial model to assess the relationship between governmental policies and the level of violence. The thesis found that discriminate violence does indeed decrease attacks. However, it causes an immediate strong backlash effect at first, and only with considerable time and magnitude of repression eventually leads to the reduction of violence. The more discriminate repression is applied the less backlash it causes. Unlike repression, reconciliatory tactics produce a decrease in attacks. Thus, the thesis found partial support for both deterrence and backlash models. It, however, showed that deterrence effect overcomes initial backlash reaction.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate Finland's postwar relations with the Soviet Union from six different perspectives (systemic, strategic, domestic political, personality, economic and cultural) in order to (1) achieve a better general understanding of this unique situation in international relations, and (2) make a systematic analysis of the variables which are most salient in describing and explaining this relationship. The study is approached mainly from the Finnish point of view, although Soviet factors and perspectives must obviously be included, especially in discussing systemic and strategic variables. It is hypothesized that the critical phase in postwar Finnish-Soviet relations was the 1944-48 period. Once Finland's status as a sovereign and independent buffer-state was established, the development of her relations with the Soviet Union can be characterized by (1) her constant striving to widen her maneuverability in international relations, and (2) the Soviet Union's increasingly lenient attitude towards Finland as the international situation improved and as the Russians became more certain of Finland's intention to maintain friendly relations and a credible neutrality. These developments are discussed in the context of each of the six perspectives. The thesis concludes with an assessment of the relative importance of the perspectives in analyzing Finnish-Soviet relations and a discussion of the relevance of the Finnish model in studying small power-great power relationships and neutral buffer-state policies. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

This study has explored the public diplomacy activity performed by the Russian government and other organizations to improve Russia’s image as an investment destination and to attract U.S. direct investment in January – December 2010. This period was marked with the increase in investment promotion activity of the Russian government and other interested institutions. The main method used in the work is an exploratory case study of Russia’s public diplomacy efforts aimed to establish a positive investment image of Russia among U.S. investors. The investigation was based on the case studies of 5 public diplomacy events: the Russia Forum 2010, the announcement of creating the Skolkovo innovation center, the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s visit to the United States, and the Global Innovation Partnerships Forum in honor of the visit of the U.S. trade delegation led by California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger to Russia. The study analyzed the major players in the Russian public diplomacy aimed at attracting U.S. investment such as the Russian government, private sector players (investment banks), business associations, American public officials and business climate evaluators. Major strategies employed by the public diplomacy players were identified as alliances, third-party endorsements, audience participation and media relations. The work also examined the effectiveness of Russian public diplomacy players’ media relations to improve Russia’s image as investment destination through the content analysis of the coverage of Russia in the U.S. media. Public diplomacy activities that received more media coverage among the analyzed events involved the participation of high-ranking Russian officials, participation of U.S. public officials and announcement of new investment policies as well as deals reached by Russia and U.S. investors / Department of Journalism

Eskimo peoples residing along the Bering Strait region of western Alaska and Soviet Chukotka were forcibly separated by the closing of the US-USSR border in 1948. As a result, all communications between these peoples ceased for a period of 40 years. Eskimos on each side were divided into separate streams of Soviet and American jurisdiction, and with the further development of both regions following the second world War, these people became the recipients of new broadcast services. These services, conceptualized and developed from completely differing philosophies concerning the nature, function, and operation of the press, brought Eskimos into the information and societal orbit of the respective nations, though with little opportunity to control the systems implemented on their behalf. / Broadcasting in Chukotka developed in blue print fashion according to central planning directives of the Communist Party, based on an authoritarian, Marxist/Leninist-based model which held a complete monopoly on the means of mass information, in effect, stifling the free exchange of ideas in its attempt to convince Eskimos to accomplish objectives formulated by the Party. Broadcasting in Alaska developed in an opposite fashion, from a combination of state-supported and private initiative based on libertarian/social responsibility models of the press. Alaskan broadcasting was formulated more from the perspective of providing information and entertainment, while radio in Chukotka was more serious in nature, concentrating primarily on political and socio-economic issues facing the region and nation. / As the Cold War between the US and USSR intensified from the 1950s through the early 1980s, communication across the Bering Strait was forceably restricted, yet Eskimos could receive radio services from the other side. While Alaskan stations sought accurate information about the conditions of Eskimos in the USSR, Soviet broadcasting sought to issue a slanted, propagandistic account of the lives of Alaskan Eskimos, despite their lack of accurate reporting resources, in order to convince Soviet Eskimos of the superiority of their lives in contrast to the Alaskans. / This investigation will provide an overview of the development of broadcast media in both regions, as well as a comparative analysis on the role and operation of broadcasting along the Bering Strait, and the participation by Eskimos with such media. / With the development of Soviet glasnost and perestroika in 1985, new opportunities arose for the reunification of the Eskimo people, and broadcasting from both sides played a role in the overall decision-making process between the Soviet and American governments to reopen the border. This study provides a historical synopsis of the border closing and reopening, and the role of broadcast media in these events. Further, developments in the changing nature of mass communications and the reorganization of broadcast media in the Russian Republic will be explored. / The study concludes with an assessment on the possibilities for Eskimo control of broadcasting in the overall effort to strengthen the process of societal reintegration and national development of these people living along the Bering Strait.

Honors Project--Smith College, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 111-119).

Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-114).