Security policies are widely used across the IT industry in order to secure environments. Firewalls, routers, enterprise application or even operating systems like Windows and Unix are all using security policies to some extent in order to secure certain components. In order to automate enforcement of security policies, security policy languages have been introduced. Security policy languages that are classified as computer software, like many other programming languages have been revolutionised during the last decade. A number of security policy languages have been introduced in the industry in order to tackle a specific business requirements. Not to mention each of these security policy languages themselves evolved and enhanced during the last few years. Having said that, a quick research on security policy languages shows that the industry suffers from the lack of a framework for security policy languages. Such a framework would facilitate the management of security policies from an abstract point. In order to achieve that specific goal, the framework utilises an abstract security policy language that is independent of existing security policy languages yet capable of expressing policies written in those languages. Usage of interoperability framework for security policy languages as described above comes with major benefits that are categorised into two levels: short and long-term benefits. In short-term, industry and in particular multi-dimensional organisations that make use of multiple domains for different purposes would lower their security related costs by managing their security policies that are stretched across their environment and often managed locally. In the long term, usage of abstract security policy language that is independent of any existing security policy languages, gradually paves the way for standardising security policy languages. A goal that seems unreachable at this moment of time. Taking the above facts into account, the aim of this research is to introduce and develop a novel framework for security policy languages. Using such a framework would allow multi-dimensional organisations to use an abstract policy language to orchestrate all security policies from a single point, which could then be propagated across their environment. In addition, using such a framework would help security administrators to learn and use only one single, common abstract language to describe and model their environment(s).

The aim of the thesis is to examine the aspects and benefits of neutrality for both Sweden and the international community, to look for the causes of its current changing and problematic situation and to identify the opportunities it still offers. The text therefore answers these research questions: What was the contribution of neutrality to Sweden's security policy in the 20th century? What was the contribution of Swedish neutrality to the international community in the 20th century? What has changed and how that, since the end of the Cold War, Swedish neutrality has been transformed? What opportunities does Swedish security policy offer today? In accordance with the aims and questions, the topic is elaborated as an historical interpretive (and explanatory) and literature-assessing dissertation. Its first part (chapter 1) is a conceptual analysis and a state of the art review of the wider context of the topic. The second part (chapters 2 and 3) is a qualitative single case study. As to theory, the thesis draws from liberalism, constructivism and the Copenhagen School of Security Studies. The changes in (international) security and Swedish security policy and neutrality are interpreted in the context of globalisation processes. The text identifies two notions of security - military and open/liberal, which it links to two dimensions of political neutrality - realistic and idealistic and, by applying them, answers the questions asked. It concludes that the Swedish security policy or neutrality has been and is primarily about finding effective and legitimate alternatives and ways to implement them in a transforming, complex and uncertain world.

Postwar Japan’s defense policy is an anomaly; it is a non-neutral middle power that has regularly resisted translating its economic strength into military strength. This paper seeks to analyze postwar Japan’s defense policy at the international systemic and domestic unit levels through the use of neoclassical realism, and then make predictions as to where Japanese defense policy will go. First, this paper provides an overview of relevant neoclassical realist theoretical literature, before moving on to an examination of the norms created by Japan’s defense policies during the Cold War. The next chapter focuses on the post-Cold War evolution, in which systemic level factors pushed Japan towards rearmament. Next is an analysis of the most recent period of leadership by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, covering the challenges that Japan faces and the methods he and his administration have used to advance Japanese security policy, short of constitutional amendment. This paper then examines the current state and trends of national-level factors restricting policymakers, and predicts whether these trends will continue. This paper concludes that international-level pressures have consistently driven the major changes to Japanese defense policy, though these responses have been restricted by national-level factors, in particular Article 9 of the constitution and large pacifist protests. However, these factors are becoming less and less effective at restraining an expansion of Japan’s Self Defense Forces (SDF). Furthermore, there has been little effort to rollback the remilitarization of the SDF. Given the strength of the pro-constitutional-revision Liberal Democratic Party, the weakness of the opposition in the Diet, and the continuing decline of the importance of pacifism to the Japanese public, this paper concludes that Article 9 will be revised to allow for the expansion of Japan’s security policy. This conclusion can provide insight into how Japan will be able to act in the future, and thereby help plan the foreign policies of other nations in the region.

In 2014 The Russian Federation has become, according to The Ukraine Crisis, an object of the economic sanctions implement ion. The aim of this thesis is the analysis of impacts of the sanctions based on the theoretical prepositions and historical examples from praxis. The first part of the thesis describes the theoretical basis, history of sanction restrictions and their implementation by OSN and EU. The second part of the thesis is focused on the real-life examples of the implementation of the economic sanctions. The detailed analysis of the Russian case is followed by the evaluation of the impacts on international, political and trade relations with The European Union and the Czech Republic. Then the formed and future cost for The Russian Federation, European Union and The Czech Republic are evaluated as well.

Militära samarbeten är stora säkerhetspolitiska frågor som kräver väl avvägda beslut.Uttrycket tillsammans med andra har genomsyrat svensk säkerhetspolitik de senaste tio åren. Säkerhetspolitiken är komplex och valet av partner inom försvarssamarbeten behöver studeras, förstås och förklaras. I denna uppsats studeras militära samarbeten genom hur uttrycket tillsammans med andra används politiskt och militärt. Syftet med studien är att söka förklaringar på de militära samarbeten som Sverige genomför. Detta görs genom en kvalitativ jämförande fallstudie av två utvalda fall. Studien visar att integrationsteoretiska förklaringsmodeller kan användas för att förklaramilitära samarbeten. I analysen har ett fall av militärt samarbete med Finland studerats jämte ett fall av militärt samarbete med Nederländerna. Samarbetet med Finland kan till huvuddel förklaras med mellanstatlig integrationsteori och samarbetet med Nederländerna förklaras till huvuddel med neofunktionalism. Slutsatserna kopplas också samman med de säkerhetsstrategiska begreppen vilket skapar djupare förståelse för den komplexa och dynamiska process som leder fram till ett militärt samarbete. Svenska säkerhetsstrategiska mål påverkade av vår omgivande strategiska miljö styr metod och medel på ett sätt som tillsammans med integrationsteorier förklarar valet av samarbetspartner inom säkerhetspolitiken. / Military collaborations with other countries are considerable security policy matters which require well balanced decisions. The expression in collaboration with others has permeated Swedish security policy through the last decade. Security policy are complex and the choice of a partner in military collaborations needs to be studied, understood and explained.  In this composition military collaborations are studied through how the expression in collaboration with others is used both in a military and in a political context. The purpose is to explain the military collaborations that Sweden carries out. This is done with a qualitative comparing case study with two selected cases.  The study shows that theories of integration can be used to explain military collaborations. In the analysis one case of collaboration with Finland has been studied beside one case of collaboration with the Netherlands. The collaboration with Finland is mainly explained with intergovernmentalism and the collaboration with the Netherlands is mainly explained with neofunctionalism.  The conclusions are also connected to strategic terms which creates a profound understanding for the complex and dynamic process that leads into a military collaboration. Sweden's strategic objectives influenced by our surrounding strategic context directs the methods and means in a way that together with theories of integration explains the chosen partner in security policy.

Velmi rozšířeným prostředkem pro správu uživatelských účtů a řízení přístupu k výpočetní infrastruktuře a službám je kombinace protokolů LDAP a Kerberos. Instalace jakož i samotná správa sítě postavené nad těmito technologiemi však skýtá mnoho překážek. Jedním z řešení je použití open-sourcové aplikace FreeIPA, která patří mezi takzvané řešení pro správu identit a bezpečnostních politik. FreeIPA výrazně usnadňuje práci s těmito protokoly od samotného nasazení až po správu celého systému. Cílem této práce je rozšíření aplikace FreeIPA o možnost použití read-only replik, které přispěje k snadnější a účinnější škálovatelnosti.

This thesis describes the design of an information strategy for the Faculty Hospital in Brno, which is the largest provider of health services in Moravia. The first part includes theoretical aspects used. In the following chapter, there are analyses that aim to precisely describe the current situation of the organization. The third part contains draft of a new information strategy from several perspectives. At the end of this chapter there is a detailed time analysis which uses PERT methodology. The last part evaluates the costs and benefits of new information strategy of Faculty Hospital.

Tato práce se zabývá analýzou politik pro bezpečnostní moduly založené na mandatorním řízení přístupu (MAC), se zaměřením na SELinux. Vzhledem k omezeným schopnostem dostupných nástrojů byl navržen a implementován nový nástroj. Jeho hlavní cíle jsou usnadnění vývoje bezpečnostních politik a pomoc při odhadu role SELinuxu v zabezpečení systému. V případě úspěšného nasazení bude nový nástroj začleněn do balíčku nástrojů SETools 4.

The thesis analyses Austrian security policy after 1989. After the end of Cold war new possibilities appeared which changed the concept of neutrality and opened door to new opportunities regarding cooperation, for example in a field of security and crisis management. Apart of this, security threats changed and forced Austria to modify its doctrine of neutrality. Membership in the European Union or in an Eastern Partnership gave new perspectives to the Austrian involvement. Contemporary collaboration with Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe remained if not increased. Home political debate about being a member of EU and NATO showed its limits in a sense that neutrality is still something very essential to Austrian national identity. The next reason for Austria being neutral is simply that does not possess infinite amount of finance or human resources which would let domestic political elite change perception about their state neutrality.

This work is trying to establish and answer three questions about the concept of Intermarium: Which concepts of the Intermarium that were formed in the past, are still relevant in modern geopolitical circumstances? What political conditions force the country to become a potential participant of the Intermarium? What minimal number of countries is sufficient enough for membership in the Intermarium to provide its effective activity in the political arena? The questions are answered through the implementation of a comparative method. The chosen method is applied to the selected states of the specified region on the basis of two selected cases that correspond to analogical situations in the history of these countries and resulted in the birth of the concept of the Intermarium as one of the possibilities for solving the political crisis in the historical period, which is chosen for the case. This work with case studies will allow the researcher to obtain a high level of conceptual validity as well as to evaluate the indicators that fully explain the theoretical concepts. Since certain internal and external factors such as political system, political culture, state power, economic independence, defensive capabilities, cultural and historical mentality, membership in international organizations are...