Questa tesi di dottorato affronta e approfondisce tre temi diversi ma legati tra loro: le performance accademiche degli studenti nell'istruzione terziaria, l'uso del tempo e l'utilizzo dei Big Data nelle scienze sociali. Gli obiettivi che hanno fatto nascere questo lavoro, attraverso un approccio a tratti interdisciplinare, sono stati, in primo luogo, cercare di colmare empiricamente alcune lacune legate a interrogativi di ricerca rimasti parzialmente senza risposta in letteratura e, in secondo luogo, proporre soluzioni metodologiche connesse soprattutto alla raccolta dei dati e alla loro affidabilità nel rispondere a questi interrogativi in un modo quanto più possibile coerente con la realtà . La tesi non ha una struttura monografica in quanto i quattro capitoli empirici hanno una struttura propria. Il primo capitolo empirico vuole essere un inquadramento generale dell'intera tesi che mira a indagare l'effetto del capitale culturale familiare sia sulle performance accademiche degli studenti, sia su alcuni aspetti legati alla gestione che essi fanno del proprio tempo che, tradizionalmente, sono associati a una buona riuscita accademica, ipotizzando che l'origine sociale non esaurisca il suo effetto nei livelli d'istruzione precedenti. I modelli di equazione strutturali, attraverso l'analisi multi-gruppo, hanno consentito di costruire l'analisi in un'ottica comparativa rispetto al settore disciplinare di appartenenza. Il secondo capitolo approfondisce la dimensione temporale, ovvero come gli studenti organizzano le attività durante le loro giornate, al fine di comprendere come essa possa influire sui risultati universitari. L'obiettivo principale è stato colmare alcune lacune empiriche presenti in letteratura che mostrano risultati contrastanti su questo tema, dettati soprattutto da problemi di raccolta dati, non sempre adatti a indagare l'uso che gli studenti fanno del proprio tempo. Anche questo capitolo propone uno sguardo comparativo, confrontando degli studenti del primo anno, cioè gli studenti più a rischio rispetto al gestire il proprio tempo in modo poco efficace, con gli studenti degli anni successivi. Il terzo capitolo descrive il progetto SmartUnitn, fulcro di questo lavoro di tesi al fine di evidenziare come l'utilizzo di ICTs è in questo caso gli smartphone nella fase di raccolta dati possa contribuire a migliorare la qualità del dato ottenuto andando a risolvere alcune questioni problematiche derivanti dagli strumenti tradizionali utilizzati dagli scienziati sociali. Il quarto e ultimo capitolo, propone un caso concreto di utilizzo dei dati ottenuti dall'esperimento SmartUnitn, proponendo un metodo che, grazie all'unione dei dati dei sensori e i dati delle risposte degli studenti, possa colmare alcune lacune presenti in letteratura sul tema dell'influenza dell'utilizzo dei social media sui risultati universitari.

RRecent years have witnessed increased French military activism in Africa. Despite efforts to normalise its post-colonial relationship and considerable downsizing of its permanent military presence, France remains a sought-after actor in solving African security problems. Notwithstanding French decision-makers repeated promises that the gendarme of Africa belongs to the past, French troops have participated in nine military operations since the turn of the millennium. Against all expectations, the Hollande administration has stood out for being particularly interventionist, concerting a military intervention in Mali and deploying a peacekeeping force to the Central African Republic within two years of assuming office. The ambiguity between an interventionist policy and a disengaged discourse suggests that French military interventionism in sub-Saharan Africa no longer follows the same automaticity as in the past. The two interventions in Mali and the CAR testify to the intense ideational struggles between different belief systems that had shaped French actorsâ minds and thus influenced decision-making processes and policy outcomes. Economic interests and neo-colonial continuity have been traditionally identified as the root causes of French interventionism in francophone Africa. For the past two decades the literature on French-African relations has been dominated by the so-called continuity vs. change debate, which scrutinises the presence of colonial / neo-colonial practices in the post-1990 French foreign policy. While ideational approaches to Franceâ s African policy are not rare, few studies have engaged with the decision-making processes that produce French military interventions. Most studies focus on policy outcomes, which are rooted in static conceptualisations of ideas that are aggregated at the level of the state. Starting from these observations, the present study argues that the mere analysis of policy outcomes tells us little about the actual motivations that drive French foreign and security policy in Africa. Instead of analysing French interventionism by relying on a predefined set of explanatory variables that are juxtaposed with a series of observable outcomes in order to falsify predefined hypotheses, this thesis explains French interventionism by drawing on actorsâ subjective perceptions and motivations. The study uses the actorsâ own utterances to explain why French decision-makers are ready to accept the considerable risks and costs involved in guaranteeing or re-establishing the security of African countries. Adopting an actor-centred constructivist ontology, this study not only identifies ideas as core explanatory variables but also traces their emergence and subsequent development throughout decision-making processes. This approach goes beyond the dichotomous view that reduces French motivations to material interests or post-colonial ambitions. Relying on discursive material such as official statements, verbatim reports of press conferences and parliamentary hearings, policy reports, and thirty-two high-level interviews with French decision-makers, the present study narrates military intervention in Mali and the CAR from the perspective of French foreign policy elites under the Hollande Presidency. This recent and largely unexplored empirical material provides new insights into Franceâ s foreign and defence policy. The study also demonstrates why and how the â Africa factorâ still matters in Franceâ s foreign policy considerations. The importance of Africa in Franceâ s security policy has less to do with neo-colonial ambitions per se, than with the understanding French policy-makers have of themselves and their country. More generally, the findings show how comprehensive explanations of foreign policy can be produced by considering actorsâ subjective perceptions. In so doing, the study not only explains Franceâ s current policies in sub-Saharan Africa, but also offers insights into foreign policy decision-making processes in general, and thereby provides further evidence about how ideational factors influence the making of world politics. Keywords: France, Africa, Mali, CAR, foreign policy analysis, international security, decision-making, political psychology, constructivism

La mia tesi di dottorato si presenta come un lavoro di ricerca empirica che ha messo a fuoco la questione della sicurezza organizzativa quale pratica situata, vale a dire non come mera “assenza di errori”, ma piuttosto come capacità emergente di un contesto organizzativo di funzionare in maniera affidabile, ri-configurando le attività degli attori organizzativi quando si verifica un breakdown. Riferimento empirico della tesi è la sala operatoria, dove la sicurezza di pazienti ed operatori costituisce un elemento inscindibile dalle pratiche lavorative e dalle dinamiche organizzative, dove socialità e materialità risultano intrecciate grazie all’elevata densità tecnologica dell’ambiente operatorio e dove l’interprofessionalità contraddistingue il lavoro d’équipe. Attraverso l’etnografia organizzativa e lo shadowing all’interno dei blocchi operatori di due ospedali italiani, ho indagato quali sono le dinamiche organizzative e lavorative che permettono agli attori organizzativi di performare pratiche mediche sicure, nonché la maniera in cui le diverse dinamiche che entrano in gioco nel corso delle attività quotidiane in sala operatoria favoriscono/ostacolano la creazione e la stabilizzazione della sicurezza. Nella prima parte della tesi ho illustrato il framework teorico e metodologico, mentre nella seconda viene illustrata l’analisi della ricerca condotta. Ciò che è emerso dall’analisi del materiale empirico è che la sicurezza operatoria si costruisce a partire dall’allineamento di tre dinamiche organizzative, quali: processi tecnologici, competenze esperte e conoscenze sensibili, dinamiche comunicative Ciascuna di queste dinamiche fornisce stabilità alle pratiche mediche che hanno luogo in sala ed alla sicurezza operatoria grazie alla maniera in cui si allinea alle altre. Rispetto dunque agli studi sino ad oggi realizzati sul tema, il mio lavoro vuole fornire spunti di riflessione per guardare alla sicurezza come pratica che prende forma a partire non più dal modo in cui una singola dinamica organizzativa consente o ostacola la realizzazione delle attività in sala (in maniera esente da rischi o pericoli potenziali), ma dal modo in cui ciascuna dinamica si aggancia e si allinea alle altre. In tal senso, la sicurezza organizzativa può essere letta ed analizzata quale pratica e network sociomateriale. Nello studio della sicurezza organizzativa, la comprensione e l’analisi della “natura” dei legami tra gli elementi del network permette anche di andare oltre la separazione (spesso forzata) tra gli studi di stampo clinico e manageriale e la letteratura di matrice sociologica: poiché entrambe le letterature sono oggi giunte all’individuazione di alcune dinamiche chiave (in buona parte coincidenti) nella creazione e stabilizzazione della sicurezza organizzativa, potrebbe risultare interessante integrare i risultati prodotti da ricerche condotte da prospettive differenti.

This thesis examines the social construction of a global corruption problem by introducing a methodological framework from the field of sociology and adapting it to International Relations (IR). It provides an alternative explanation for the adoption of anti-corruption instruments in the period 1994-1997 and the international institutionalization of anti-corruption reforms. It challenges conventional views that point to the rise of non-state actors, such as Transparency International, and the end of the Cold War. By tracing the trajectory of the corruption problem, it shows that the dynamics of the 1990s can only be fully understood within the legacy of the 1970s and, in particular, the failed talks at the United Nations. The institutionalization of the global corruption problem in the 1990s was a product largely of historical contingency and state intentionality. While it appeared that a new issue has taken international organizations by storm, it was largely key state agents that were creating this change by building coalitions and maneuvering between venues. The thesis employs methods of discourse and practice analysis from sociological research for the empirical study of claims. The analysis makes use of archival data to open up the pre-negotiation talks on illicit/corrupt payments at the OECD and the UN and study the process of claims-making, as well as document discursive strategies such as controversy management and feasibility. By taking a step back from the study of norms to look at the social construction of problems, the thesis introduces new methodological tools into constructivist IR. It also provides for the integration of state agency in constructivist approaches by showing how state actors engage in ontological warfare over the definition and institutionalization of new problems. Studying the social construction of problems through the process of claims-making elucidates the power relations that inform the established definitions and the spectrum of legitimate solutions; it helps us better understand the makings of international reality.

La tesi indaga la risignificazione storico-concettuale del lavoro in rapporto alla cittadinanza nell'opera di Locke, evidenziando come l'attività lavorativa abbia operato come un dispositivo di inclusione differenziale degli abitanti del Commonwealth. Sulla linea della tipologia di lavoro, del rapporto di dipendenza/indipendenza e dello status Locke marca la distanza tra coloro che possono godere dei pieni diritti di cittadinanza, estesi anche ai ceti produttivi ma non nobili, e coloro che ne sono esclusi (i poveri e i salariati). Lo studio del pensiero lockiano, raffrontato con le considerazioni sul tema di altri autori della tradizione filosofica occidentale e del contesto inglese coevo, ci consente di vedere sotto un'altra luce il legame tra cittadinanza e lavoro, che storicamente ha contribuito non solo a comprendere nei termini della cittadinanza le classi subalterne, ma anche a consolidare le gerarchie sociali. Tale punto di vista risulta utile alla comprensione delle aporie del presente che interessano il nesso tra cittadinanza e lavoro, messo in crisi della trasformazioni sociali e produttive della contemporaneità.

L’objet de cette étude est le Mouvement des Focolari. Fondé à Trente (Italie) en 1943 par Chiara Lubich, il naît de la contestation de l’Église et du monde. Le concept d’utopie nous permet d’analyser le déploiement de cette organisation religieuse au sein de l’institution ecclésiale et dans les sociétés actuelles. L’utopie religieuse des focolarins conduit à une nouvelle conception de la religiosité et à une réforme de l’Église. La réhabilitation des laïcs, de la virtuosité religieuse et de la sainteté à laquelle les focolarins aspiraient, sera sanctionnée par le concile Vatican II. Si la virginité apparaît comme l’instrument de la contestation, le Mouvement désirera rapidement s’adresser à tous les individus. La volonté de révolutionner les domaines social, culturel et économique entraîne la création de villes idéales et d’une utopédagogie et aboutit à la proposition d’une alternative globale qui se veut universalisable. Anticipant ou s’inscrivant dans les grandes tendances des sociétés ultramodernes (notamment l’individualisme, la différenciation des sphères sociétales et la mondialisation), les focolarins cherchent actuellement à systématiser différentes notions (telles la fraternité, l’égalité et la liberté) afin de parvenir à l’unité de l’humanité.

The international interventions in Iraq and Libya are exemplary of a decline in the expectations that statebuilding fervour can contribute to the full-fledged transformation of societies intervened upon. From the intervention in Iraq under the banner of “armed liberalism” to the “post-interventionist” approach that guided the intervention in Libya, international actors have renounced the grand transformative narrative traditionally sustaining post-conflict initiatives. This study investigates the impact of this changing statebuilding paradigm on state formation in Iraq and Libya. Bridging scholarship on post-conflict transitions as well as on the Middle East and North Africa region, this study addresses the question of the interplay between statebuilding and state formation from a political economy perspective: the emerging forms of economic governance of Iraq and Libya are illustrative of the broader problems affecting these countries. Through a process-oriented approach, this study moves beyond a narrowly-conceived institutional analysis and brings into focus actors in transition. Based on the theoretical discussion and the empirical findings, the study shows that an actor-oriented analysis has far more explanatory power than an institutionalist analysis. From a political economy perspective, the study focuses on the role of the private sector as an agent for change in transition: the emergence and consolidation of the policy prescription of developing the private sector has heralded a re-definition of the statebuilding agenda. Relying on a broad range of sources and data including interviews, policy papers, programmes’ reports, and evaluations, the analysis contends that this novel approach adds to the contradictory character of statebuilding: private sector development remains trapped between internationally held normative models and domestic power dynamics. Most importantly, private sector development entails a more interventionist approach that contradicts the principles of the self-regulating capacity of the market. The thesis’ main argument is that by building parallel agencies and mechanisms, statebuilding deviates from the process of building states. In other words, statebuilding creates a mode of governance that undermines Weberian notions of statehood in post-conflict countries: while it penetrates deeply into society, statebuilding fails to generate state authority. Rather, it favours a dispersion of authority across levels of governance and different types of actors. The dispersion of authority in post-conflict transitions generates hybrid forms of political economy: adaptation and resistance to neoliberal norms, institutions, and models are continuously negotiated by competing actors. At the same time, the dispersion of authority contributes to undermining the distinction between the public and the private spheres: alternative forms of authority consolidate informal institutions and repertoires, and increasingly come to exercise state authority and functions. The disjuncture between state and stateness––the exercise of state authority and functions––shows the limits of analysing post-conflict transitions through the narrow lens of Weberian interpretation of the state and points to a re-evaluation of institutional analyses in light of notions of authority and legitimacy.

With the growing importance of agencies in the EU executive space (i.e., agencification), civil society organisations (CSOs) have increasingly direct their advocacy efforts towards EU agencies. Currently, CSOs are represented in several consultative bodies of EU agencies (e.g., FRA, EASO, and Frontex). In general, the role of these bodies and platforms is to “merely” assist EU agencies on fundamental rights matters. However, access to EU agencies gives CSOs a privileged position to push their claims forward. Frontex (or European Coast and Border Guard) is peculiar among EU agencies for its operative competences, and growing resources. Moreover, Frontex has repeatedly raised concerns on its accountability on fundamental rights matters at the EU borders. Therefore, in 2011, Frontex revised Regulation introduced a Fundamental Rights Strategy, and two new bodies: the Fundamental Rights Officer and the Consultative Forum on fundamental rights (CF). Aim of this research is to establish whether and to what extent CSOs influence Frontex “from within” and what are the outcomes of this interaction in terms of both fundamental rights mainstreaming and agency accountability. These issues are addressed using the literature on CSOs’ participation to EU governance, CSOs’ mainstreaming of fundamental rights, and CSOs’ potential for the accountability/legitimacy of EU agencies. Empirically, this study analyses CSOs’ strategy choice to lobby Frontex from within and questions it in light of the outcomes of this lobbying activity. Even though findings are mixed, due to the absence of CSOs’ clear advocacy goals within the CF, the relationship between CSOs, members of the CF, and Frontex remains unique in terms of mutual learning and potential for the establishment of an effective accountability relationship on fundamental rights matters. Collection of data and analysis have been carried out through expert interviews and by applying an interpretive approach to the study of Frontex official and unofficial documents.

The research assesses the social impact of introducing automated electoral procedures. Starting with an overview of the current debate in the Italian and in the international arena, it considers the viewpoint of different stakeholders: bureaucrats, politicians, civil society, pressure groups and the market within four case studies (Estonia, Ireland, Great Britain and the Netherlands) to highlight the direct and unexpected consequences of changing a long established habit in such a delicate matter as voting. It also draws data from the largest Italian experimentation of electronic voting in a supervised environment – held in the Autonomous Province of Trento between 2004 and 2009 – to report on the attitudes and on the actual behaviour of electors facing the electronic option. The deployment of multivariate regression models on survey data supports the hypothesis of existing divides between those who are favourable to automation in elections and those who are not, the main cleavages being age and education. Furthermore, a greater degree of trust in the generalised other is needed in e-voting but not perceived in i-voting, while both voting procedures appeal those who are already politically mobilized but less attached to traditions. A greater level of techno-determinism is also related to the propensity of accepting automated procedures. Evidence about the practice of e-voting during the experimentation – gathered by means of an innovative method labelled as parallel ethnography – shows that during the field trial unforeseeable threats occurred to the constitutional requirements of personality, equality and secrecy. This hiatus between instructions and instructed actions calls not only for a more thorough training of electronic scrutinizers but also for a better design of the machine’s interface and for an adequate legal framework, should e-voting become legally binding.

Immediately after the 9/11 attacks the US launched a macro-securitization program to combat terrorism and included government counter-terrorism measures (CTMs) that impeded on human rights and civil liberties globally. Scholarship has recently turned to the study of CTMs and their effects on civil society organizations (CSOs). This study analyzes the relationship between CTMs and CSOs in Hungary from 2010-2018. First, it examines Hungary’s security milieu, including the formation and implementation of Hungary’s CT laws, polices, and institutions, and the terrorism landscape. Second, it analyzes the effects of CTMs on CSOs and state-civil society relations. The study uses an exploratory and explanatory research design, and mixed methods of data collection and analysis. Using purposive sampling, 240 questionnaires were analyzed across four CSO categories: peacebuilding, development, human rights advocacy, and humanitarianism. Coded data is used from 70 semi-structured, in-depth interviews with CSO officers, security agents, military personnel, legal experts, politicians, and security, civil society, and development scholars. Secondary sources include: books, articles, and grey literature. Using Chi Square and Pearson Product-Moment Correlation at p≤0.05, the former determines if CSOs were pressured to join government CTMs whereas the latter establishes whether CTMs negatively impacted CSOs’ operational capacities. Descriptive statistics is used to analyze demographic data and ascertain CSOs’ level of support or rejection of government CTMs. The findings reveal that CTMs grant the state exceptional powers that restrict CSO operations. The quantitative findings show that CSOs were pressured into joining government CTMs (X2 = 220.919). Government CTMs have negatively affected CSOs’ operational costs (59.1%). The government denies CSOs access to information regarding CTMs (35.9%), thus preventing their involvement in CTM formulation processes and implementation. 72.1% of program officers indicated they do not support government CTMs. The interviews revealed growing mutual suspicion between the government and CSOs in the context of counter-terrorism.