This thesis is about state and society relations in Central Asia. It examines statehood comparatively in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan. Despite having made different political, economic, and institutional choices at independence in 1991, these countries arrived at the same outcome today: an incomplete state. In framing the problem as the incomplete state, this thesis shifts the conventional emphasis away from symptoms of state weakness toward those processes that contribute to it. It highlights the fact that the state can simultaneously be both strong and weak, omnipresent and absent. It is the blurring of the line between state and non-state, public and private, legal and illegal, formal and informal which matters for a better understanding of the state. Drawing from Charles Tilly and Michael Mann, this thesis suggests that these shadow areas generate processes of interstitial emergence that may either undermine or strengthen the state. The outcome generated by such processes is dependent on the balance between state autonomy and state embeddedness. The thesis argues that the incomplete state is a result of three sets of factors—historical, external, and local—that directly or indirectly produce processes that are counter-productive to the current state-building process. Specifically, it focuses on the societal legacy of the Soviet statehood, the strategies of state-building provided by external actors, and the balance of power between rival local elites. It demonstrates how each of these sets of factors contribute to the creation or development of sites of social resistance and the chasm between the state and society in each of the three given cases. Further, it identifies three important processes. Firstly, structural changes taken for granted following the dissolution of the Soviet Union have not necessarily altered cross-border societal interdependence at the grassroots. Secondly, the strategies pursued by external actors have indirectly created isolated pockets of land, empowered community-based civil activism and facilitated informal trade. Finally, while state elites strengthened the institution of the state, they turned it into a tool for legitimizing illicit revenues rather than a means to increase its infrastructural power. States and societies in the region have become isolated from one another. These states, empowered only in the institutional sense, have become empty shells. The societies, empowered without the state, have become captives within a game of survival. It seems that the state cannot be complete without becoming social.

The High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy was first established by the Amsterdam Treaty in 1999 to enhance the effectiveness and credibility of EU foreign policy. Since its creation, this body has played different roles vis-a-vis varies policy dossiers. In some cases, the High Representative has successfully coordinated the positions of Member States and enhanced the worldwide visibility of EU foreign policy. On other occasions, the High Representative played a more proactive role by identifying and operationalizing common European interests. The varying role of the High Representative in different policy dossiers reflects the ambiguity of the EU political system. Unlike in most European states \where the executive and legislative powers are linked through the same parliamentary majority\ within the EU supranational and intergovernmental sources legitimacy coexist. It is the ambiguity deriving from it that permitted the High Representative to adopt different roles in response to different external challenges. This research investigates the reasons that led the High Representative to play sometimes the role of mediator and at other times that of policy entrepreneur by examining the influence of security culture on EU foreign policy processes. Security culture is defined as the convergence of socially transmitted norms shared by the majority of political actors belonging to the EU security community. The norms constituting security culture concern the identification of security threats, the definition of the appropriate instruments to deal with them, and the interaction with the international community. The comparison of the cases of the 2001 Macedonia crisis and the negotiations over Iran fs nuclear programme reveals that shared norms.and thus the emergence of a shared culture.with regard to a given threat had an impact on policy processes involving the High Representative. In particular, the emergence of a shared security culture created a positive context which enabled the High Representative to adopt the role of policy entrepreneur, rather than simply mediating among Member States. In order to address the capability-expectations gap emerged among citizens ' expectations, and EU fs ability to deliver in the field of foreign policy, scholars have long stressed the need to build stronger institutions able to constrain the powers of Member States. However, this research identifies the development of a shared vision about common security as a factual pre-condition for the empowerment of central institutions and, thus, for further integration in this field. In addition, even though the existing literature has mostly identified diverging norms on the use of force in the international arena and on the alliance with the US as the major obstacles to an effective EU foreign policy, this study suggests that another major obstacle in this regard lies in diverging norms concerning the role of international cooperation and the relation between national and international security vis-a-vis external threats.

L’idea della redenzione era di per sé antichissima, se in essa si include la liberazione dal bisogno, dalla fame, dalla siccità, dalla malattia e – infine – dalla sofferenza e dalla morte. Tuttavia la redenzione acquistò un significato specifico soltanto dove fu espressione di un’''immagine del mondo'' razionalizzata sistematicamente e di una presa di posizione in base a questa. Infatti ciò che la redenzione, secondo il suo senso e la sua qualità psicologica, voleva e poteva significare, dipendeva appunto da quell’immagine del mondo e da questa presa di posizione. […] L’immagine del mondo stabiliva infatti “da che cosa” e “per che cosa” si volesse e – non si dimentichi – si potesse essere “redenti”: da una servitù politica e sociale, in vista di un futuro regno messianico nell’aldiqua […] oppure dai limiti della finitezza che si manifestano nella sofferenza, nella necessità e nella morte, e dalla minaccia delle pene infernali, in vista di un'eterna beatitudine in un'esistenza futura, terrena o paradisiaca (Weber 2002). Questo appena citato è sostanzialmente l'unico passaggio esplicitamente programmatico e vagamente definitorio che Weber dedica al concetto di “immagine del mondo” [Weltbild]; eppure la scommessa su cui si basa questo lavoro è che sia possibile rintracciare in Weber un uso costante, sotterraneo e implicito del dispositivo “immagine del mondo” nel concreto dell'analisi sociale e storica, nonostante la ritrosia definitoria e il “basso profilo” teorico. Di fatto, è possibile e almeno in parte addirittura inevitabile leggere l'intera Sociologia della religione come una grandiosa galleria di immagini del mondo: una panoramica delle diverse interpretazioni del mondo elaborate dalle religioni universali e delle differenti soggettività che tali Weltbilder hanno plasmato. Sinteticamente, l'immagine del mondo è una spiegazione e un'interpretazione dell'esistente, una rete di assunti cognitivi sul mondo stesso in grado di definire priorità e gerarchie; pur essendo teoricamente indimostrabili, le immagini del mondo sono praticamente ineludibili, in quanto costituiscono un necessario sistema di orientamento: esse definiscono gli obiettivi da perseguire e i mali da fuggire e in questo modo plasmano il nostro atteggiamento nei confronti di ciò che ci circonda, incentivano determinati comportamenti ed escludono altri dall'orizzonte di ciò che è “sensato”. Due sono i principali obiettivi della tesi: in primo luogo estrarre e astrarre dal lavoro weberiano uno schema, una “teoria delle immagini del mondo” in grado di essere strumento concettuale utile per l'analisi sociale anche nella contemporaneità; in secondo luogo testare le potenzialità esplicative del concetto di “immagine del mondo” in ambito politico: interpretare cioè le diverse forme politiche come precipitato di differenti immagini del mondo. 1) Non bisogna farsi ingannare dal contesto: le religioni sono solamente un sottoinsieme – per quanto archetipico e particolarmente chiaro – della più ampia categoria delle “immagini del mondo”. Anzi, punto di partenza della riflessione sociale weberiana è che il rapporto tra uomo e mondo è sempre mediato da immagini, non necessariamente religiose; ogni società elabora una propria idea teoreticamente indimostrabile di “bene” e di “male”, e definisce un orizzonte del possibile. Insomma, che si tema la dannazione eterna o la miseria terrena, che si aspiri alla pace dei santi nell'aldilà o alla ricchezza su questa terra, che si pensi il mondo come un cosmo immutabile o come un terreno di scontro tra classi in marcia verso il progresso: si tratta di variabili decisive per lo studio e la comprensione dei comportamenti degli attori sociali, e si tratta di variabili definite esattamente dall'immagine del mondo. Per afferrare il senso degli atteggiamenti e delle dinamiche di una società è quindi necessario rappresentarsi preliminarmente la sua immagine del mondo. 2) Definendo incubi e obiettivi, paure e speranze, l'immagine del mondo plasma l'agire degli individui e di conseguenza impatta necessariamente con la politica. I santi puritani sconfiggono il Leviatano ridicolizzando le sue minacce e le sue promesse: chi temeva solo la dannazione e aspirava solo alla salvezza dell'anima era completamente indifferente alle persecuzioni e alle lusinghe del potere mondano, poiché chi teme Dio non può avere paura di piccoli re. Il socialismo è riuscito ad arruolare nell'esercito proletario masse che per secoli avevano accettato con santa rassegnazione la propria condizione materiale: ciò è stato possibile nel momento in cui il Weltbild socialista è riuscito a tradurre la miseria in sfruttamento; gli “ultimi” cominciano a provare ira nel momento in cui percepiscono la propria subordinazione come ingiusta ed evitabile, eleggendo a nemici non le macchine o il destino, ma specifici rapporti di produzione. Nella tesi si compiono tre carotaggi nella storia politica della modernità europea dimostrando la loro relazione con tre differenti immagini del mondo: Puritanesimo e genesi dei diritti di libertà; armonia degli interessi e liberalismo; socialismo e movimento operaio. Ultima precisazione: la “teoria delle immagini del mondo” non si configura come un idealismo mascherato. Piuttosto essa costituisce la terza via tra i riduzionismi opposti di tipo materialista (e al giorno d'oggi economicista) e latamente idealista. Essa concepisce dimensione materiale e dimensione immaginativa come ambiti tra loro in reciproca osmosi, ma pure dotati di una loro autonomia. Nell'analisi della contemporaneità, ad esempio, il riferimento al concetto di immagine del mondo consente di tematizzare le mutazioni della soggettività evitando tanto di ridurle a mero riflesso delle trasformazioni del capitalismo contemporaneo, quanto di enfatizzare il lato unicamente culturale senza focalizzare la dimensione materiale.

he aim of this dissertation is to assess if and how institutional features are likely to shape fields of study differentials in the overeducation risk. This issue is addressed with two different perspectives. First it is comparatively analysed how the differential incidence of overeducation among graduates from different fields of study is affected by labour market institutions. Then the effect of the university reform dictated by the guidelines of the Bologna Process on tertiary graduates’ risk of overeducation is evaluated. Italy is selected as a relevant case study for these analyses since, in comparison with other developed countries, it displays both low graduation rates and modest returns to tertiary education.

The study focuses on artists who adopt performance art as a form of creative expression within the world of contemporary visual art. Some performances are extreme exhibitions which often assume violent and aggressive forms; others are quasi-visible events like communication misunderstandings or reiterated behaviors which make the flow of ordinary interaction unusual and sometimes create a feeling of anxiety in the audience. There are of course basic differences between these kinds of performance; nevertheless, in the case of both the most spectacular events and «minimal performances», the artist acts at the borderline of what is explainable, and his/her artistic practices highlight the need to traverse the frontiers between traditional genres, mixing them up or forsaking them. A performance essentially consists in the creation of an interactive event, and artists manage the central elements of the interactive order: the dimension which, according to Erving Goffman, represents a reality in itself, possesses its own logic, and cannot be reduced either to macro-structural dimensions or to individual psychology. The topic of the research reported here can be summarized in the following question: how is it possible to turn a «social interaction» into an «artistic object»? The answer can be articulated on different dimensions: how a performance is projected, arranged and carried out; what happens during performance events; how such events can be recorded and conserved. A performance results from cooperation among a group of people which cannot be defined as a «system»: there are no formal roles, there are no fixed positions, there are no decisional centers. Nevertheless, the basic elements are in place for it to be possible to talk of the existence of an interactional unit: different social actors act together in an intentional, reiterated and settled manner. It is possible to find a great number of events which take place on specific sites and during which artists, venue managers, critics, collectors and performance audiences meet, work together, and share their interests. It is thus possible to use the term «sphere» to refer to a place to which admittance is granted only after an initiation process and rite of passage. In such «spheres» people follow careers based on internal, formal and informal hierarchical ladders. Moreover, there are subjects who act as gatekeepers, and myths and symbols are shared. The research was conducted in Northern Italy, where several towns were selected as central nodes in the Italian contemporary art field. I conducted in-depth interviews with subjects occupying the three main roles in the artistic field: artists, venue managers and curators, and art critics. The selection of the interviewees was based on their strategic position in the field. My purpose was to investigate the node that they occupied in the art world by combining two criteria: first, the spatial position of the environment in which they lived and worked (marginal, peripheral, central); second, the stage of their professional career (beginning, emerging, established).

As the discourse on economic development has expanded its focus to a broader set of interrelated economic, social, and political variables, an important conclusion has been that sustainable and inclusive development requires not only economic and social policies, but also political empowerment to foster a deliberative and participatory development process. The state versus market led development debate has been increasingly conducive to the role of state since 1990s mainly due to the developmental state experiences in East Asia in particular, and the high social costs of pursuing market oriented reforms or Structural Adjustment Programs in many developing countries. The growth spurts and the successive downturns delivered little on account of sustainable and inclusive growth. The nature of an ideal state, in contemporary times, can be argued to be developmental and democratic; characterized by redistributive growth, broad-based participation, pro-poor policies, and responsiveness of public policy to local needs. Given the intricacies of the contemporary world where Keynesian and neo-liberal values contest for space simultaneously, the (re)configuration of the role of the state while fostering democratization is an important dimension to consider. In this context, it is increasingly argued that subnational democracy is important in revitalizing and reinvigorating democratic systems, as well as promoting better public governance. This thesis attempts to examine the concepts of Decentralization and the Democratic Developmental State, the political incentives that determine the substantiveness of decentralization reforms, and whether subnational empowerment through decentralization is conducive to democratic developmentalism.

La ricerca mira a ricostruire la definizione della situazione politica che alcuni elettori italiani hanno prodotto per maturare la propria scelta di voto in occasione delle Elezioni Europee del 2014. Per poter agire infatti, gli individui hanno prima bisogno di comprendere la situazione nella quale agiscono. I risultati mostrano che, a seguito dei cambiamenti avvenuti nel panorama politico italiano l'anno precedente, elettori, partiti e leader si sono mossi a velocità diverse, faticando nel condividere una medesima definizione. Rilevare questa situazione di disallineamento aiuta a comprendere, in generale, gli effetti della valence politics sul voto e, nello specifico, il percorso politico dei partiti italiani.

The dissertation explores the intricate interplay between wealth and family dynamics across human life courses, motivated by recent shifts in wealth distribution and demographic trends in Western countries. A comprehensive framework is introduced, delineating the examination of wealth accumulation and distribution within and across families. Via conceptual, theoretical, and empirical work, this dissertation seeks to advance the understanding of the wealth-family nexus from a comparative and historical perspective, with a focus on post-war European countries. To achieve this, cross-sectional (GESIS Panel) as well as prospective (SHARE) and retrospective (SHARELIFE) longitudinal large-scale survey data are analyzed. The first chapter explores the heterogeneity of wealth accumulation trajectories across ten European countries (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland), adopting a categorical approach to wealth ownership. The second chapter examines the context-specificity of the relationship between family life course trajectories and subsequent wealth accumulation across Scandinavian (Denmark and Sweden), Continental (Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, and Switzerland), and Southern (Greece, Italy, Spain) European countries, situating it within the broader discourse on family change. The third chapter delves into population heterogeneity in norms concerning family estate division among siblings in Germany.

La tesi si propone di individuare un nesso significativo fra regolazione globale e ordine internazionale, così da raccordare il dominio tendenzialmente tecnocratico delle attività di standardizzazione, ottimizzazione e controllo delle pratiche alle questioni politicamente determinate della giustizia internazionale. A tal fine, prendiamo in esame le logiche liberali che sottendono l'azione di tre soggetti che partecipano al regime regolativo del mercato finanziario globale (OECD, IASB, Credit Rating Agencies). La tesi conclude che tale nesso non può essere fornito né dalle soluzioni normative del liberalismo progressista né da quelle del neoliberalismo, bensì dalla tensione concettuale fra le due tradizioni, che genera a sua volta uno spazio internazionale di autentica “pratica politica”. / The thesis sets out to identify a connection between global regulation and international order, so as to relate the quasi-technocratic realm of standardization, optimization and audit to to the politically determined issues of international justice. For this purpose, we consider the rationales underlying the activity of three subjects participating to the regulatory regime of the global financial market .(OECD, IASB, Credit Rating Agencies). The thesis infers that such nexus cannot be provided either by progressive liberalism's normative solutions, nor by neoliberalim's, but rather by the conceptual and practical tension between the two traditions of thought, which in turn generates a international locus of authentic "political practice"

In this work, moving back and forth along complementary perspectives, I aim to provide an in-depth analysis of the social stratification of eating and feeding practices in an Italian context, with a special focus on the school canteen as a possible enhancer of children’s dietary compliance. Although the thesis cannot be read as a single monograph, the fil rouge that runs through the chapters presents new insights on the ways eating and feeding are organised, regulated, differentiated, and reproduced in Italy by adults and children. In fact, each chapter reads as an autonomous contribution, accompanied by a specific literature review, that distinctively adds to a branch of the research on food sociology, from health to consumption passing through childhood. Nevertheless, this does not imply that the chapters are disconnected, and the reader will often find cross references throughout the manuscript. The thesis is constructed on two different blocks, divided by methodology, but held together by the first chapter, in which I discuss the socio-philosophical foundation of the research. Here I initially draw from Bourdieu’s practice theory to discuss the theoretical and methodological foundations of the thesis, and I subsequently examine the concepts of eating and feeding practices, eventually outlining the contribution of each empirical chapter. Therefore, the first block seeks to identify theoretically informed empirical regularities using Bourdieu’s (2011) theory of capitals, and its adaptation to health behaviours as proposed by Abel (2007; 2008). This part aims to ‘quantify’ how capital constrictions shape food consumption and beyond. Chapter 2, focusing on gender differences in health behaviours among adults (Courtenay, 2000), analyses the determinants of dietary compliance, drinking behaviour and smoking, and how gender differentials change depending on the respondent’s levels of cultural capital. Chapter 3, however, which paves the way for the subsequent ethnography, focuses on the determinants of dietary compliance among Italian schoolchildren, and specifically on the role of the school canteen as an equaliser that can mitigate health inequalities by improving the diet of most disadvantaged children. In the second block, I focus on eating and feeding practices as social constructions. This part of the work allows me to go behind and beyond the empirical regularities shown in the previous chapters. Behind, because qualitative data provide an opportunity to consider the epistemological foundations and the political implications of the construction of dietary compliance, in school and at home; beyond, because they allow us to excavate in vivo how eating and feeding are part of a contested field of knowledge that depends on family endowments. The three chapters are hence based on the ethnographic fieldwork and the in-depth interviews conducted in four Italian primary schools. Chapter 4, partially rooted in the Foucauldian tradition of governmentality studies, uses the concept of strategy and tactics (de Certeau, 1984) to analyse the construction and implementation of a healthy meal and the resistances that arise around and within the school canteen. On a different note, chapter 5 makes use of the in-depth interviews with parents and the fieldnotes gathered in Poversano and Goldazzo school canteens to study how cultural and economic family resources shape parental feeding practices, their perception of the school meal and children’s knowledge of healthy food and cuisine. Finally, chapter 6 illustrates what happens to food education programs when they are applied in extreme contexts, such as the school of a poverty-stricken neighbourhood of Palermo. In the conclusions, I summarise the most important findings of the manuscript, and I draw attention to the possible implications for school food programs as well as for future directions for research.