Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Ohio State University, 1988. / Adviser: Arnold M. Zwicky. Includes bibliographical references

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xv, 124 p.; also includes graphics (some col.) Includes bibliographical references (p. 119-124).

Traditional representations of Mandarin tones have provided valuable descriptions of Mandarin tone sandhi processes. However, none of them has been able to associate these processes in a principled way, or to explain why they occur at all. In contrast, I have proposed in this dissertation a unified analysis of Mandarin tones and tone sandhi, with an emphasis on the revelation of the nature of these tones and processes. Specifically, I have found that Mandarin tones are most optimally represented as follows: (0.1) [special characters omitted] Under such a representation, all Mandarin tone sandhi processes (i.e. the second, third, and fourth tone sandhi processes, and the neutral tone sandhi process that has been uncovered in this study) can be uniformly accounted for by the following Tone Reduction Principle: (0.2). Tone Reduction Principle Clause A: In normal speech, reduce a tone by one toneme iff it is immediately followed by another tone within the same prosodic foot. Clause B: In fast speech, reduce a tone by one toneme iff it is immediately preceded by another tone, and at the same time immediately followed by another tone within the same prosodic foot. This tone reduction principle functions to shorten a tone in duration by the following implementation rules: (0.3) [special characters omitted] With these two rules, Mandarin tone sandhi processes can be described by the following derivations: (0.4) [special characters omitted] While the implementation riles in (0.3) produce grammatical results in all other cases, they yield outputs, in the cases of 3TS(B) and 0TS, that violate the following OCP related, Mandarin specific WFC: [special characters omitted] Therefore, these two outputs obligatorily undergo the following OCP repairs ((a) for 3TS and (b) for 0TS): [special characters omitted] In brief, all the Mandarin tone sandhi processes are fundamentally tone reduction processes, the results of which may be subjected to further modification should they turn out to be violations of certain WFCs. In addition to the rules and derivations presented above, the analysis proposed also contains a theory of tonemes as timing units, a theory of Mandarin syllable weight and quantity, and a theory of the diachronic implications of the analysis. / Graduate

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 1998. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 211-214).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 164-169).

Cette thèse propose une étude théorique et empirique de la rhoticité et du ‘r’ de sandhi en anglais. La grande variabilité phonétique des consonnes traditionnellement considérées comme « rhotiques » et leur comportement phonologique relativement stable nous conduisent à proposer une caractérisation de ces segments fondée sur la sonorité des unités et leur distribution au sein des syllabes. Nous adoptons le cadre de la Phonologie de Dépendance dont les représentations, fondées sur des primitives phonologiques unaires, offrent une traduction des hiérarchies de sonorité plus transparente que les traits binaires de la tradition générative. Nous proposons une interprétation théorique de la vocalisation historique du /r/ dans le sud de l’Angleterre en nous appuyant sur une étude historique de son évolution. Un volet empirique est consacré à l’étude de la rhoticité et du ‘r’ de sandhi dans deux enquêtes réalisées selon le protocole et la méthodologie du programme PAC (Phonologie de l’Anglais Contemporain : usages, variétés et structure), l’une dans le Lancashire (Royaume-Uni) et l’autre à Boston (États-Unis). / This thesis offers a theoretical and empirical study of rhoticity and sandhi ‘r’ in English. The great phonetic variability of so called “rhotic” consonants and their stable phonological behaviour lead us to an analysis of these segments based on the sonority of units and their distribution within syllables. Our analysis is couched within the framework of Dependency Phonology whose representations are based on unary phonological primes and offer a better understanding of sonority scales than traditional binary features. We provide a theoretical interpretation of the vocalization of /r/ in the south of England based on an historical study of its evolution. An empirical section is dedicated to the study of rhoticity and sandhi ‘r’ in two corpora collected in Lancashire (UK) and Boston (USA) following the protocol and methodology of the PAC project (Phonologie de l’Anglais Contemporain : usages, variétés et structure/ Phonology of Contemporary English: usage, varieties and structure)

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-148). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Full text release at OhioLINK's ETD Center delayed at author's request

O fenômeno de sândi vocálico externo apresenta três realizações possíveis: a elisão, a degeminação e a ditongação. Este trabalho tem como proposta analisar o fenômeno de ditongação como processo de resolução de hiato em fronteira de palavras (camisa usada ~ cami[zaw]sada), baseado na amostra da cidade de Lages, em Santa Catarina, incluída no banco de dados do projeto VARSUL (Variação linguística na região sul do Brasil). O embasamento teórico se apoia em Bisol (1996, 2002 e 2005) para a descrição do processo; em Labov (2008) para fundamentos de teoria da variação; além de teorias fonológicas, como Fonologia Prosódica e Fonologia Lexical. Os objetivos específicos são os que seguem: a) identificar, em nossa amostra, fatores linguísticos que possam favorecer ou bloquear a aplicação da ditongação como processo de sândi externo; b) a partir dos resultados obtidos, corroborar ou não resultados de pesquisas já realizadas a respeito deste processo; c) ampliar a compreensão do fenômeno e oferecer subsídios para uma descrição geral do processo do sândi externo e do português falado no sul do Brasil. As hipóteses que procuramos confirmar são as seguintes: a) quanto à tonicidade, o contexto ideal para a aplicação da ditongação é o de atonicidade máxima (casa escura ~ ca[zaj]scura) (conforme Bisol, 1996; Bisol, 2002); b) o contexto interno à frase fonológica é mais favorecedor na aplicação do fenômeno (velho exemplo ~ velh[we]zemplo) (conforme Bisol, 1996). A análise estatística dos dados foi realizada pelo pacote de programas VARBRUL/GoldvarbX. A amostra, constituída de 16 informantes, mostrou, dentre outros fatores, que a ditongação crescente e a ditongação decrescente têm diferentes contextos favorecedores em relação ao acento e à categoria das vogais e têm contextos favorecedores semelhantes em outras variáveis em comum. Para a ditongação, confirmamos nossas hipóteses: a atonicidade máxima e o contexto interior à frase fonológica se mostraram favorecedores. A seleção das variáveis relevantes não foi idêntica para as duas realizações. / The external vowel sandhi phenomenon presents three possible ways of realization: the elision, the degemination and the diphthongization. This work analyzes the diphthongization phenomenon as a gap resolution process in words boundary (camisa usada ~ cami[zaw]sada) based on the sample of the city of Lages, Santa Catarina, included in the project database VARSUL (linguistic variation in southern Brazil). The theoretical basis is Bisol (1996, 2002 and 2005) for the description of the process; Labov (2008) for the variation theory fundamentals; and Brescancini (2005) for variational research methodology. The specific objectives are the following: a) to identify, in our sample, linguistic factors that may favor or block the application of external vowel sandhi processes; b) from the results obtained, to prove or disprove results of previous studies regarding this process; c) to increase the understanding of the phenomenon and provide support for a general description of the process of external sandhi and Portuguese spoken in southern Brazil. The hypotheses we intend to confirm are the following: a) the ideal context for the three external sandhi processes is an unstressed vowel + an unstressed vowel (casa escura ~ ca[zaj]scura) (as Bisol, 1996; Bisol, 2002; Ludwig-Gayer, 2008; Vianna, 2009); b) the internal context to phonological phrase is more favorable to the application of the phenomenon (velho exemplo ~ velh[we]zemplo) (as Bisol, 1996). Statistical analysis of data was performed by VARBRUL / GoldvarbX software. The sample consisted of 16 informants showed that rising diphthongization and decreased diphthongization have different favorable contexts related to stress and vowel category, and they have similar favorable contexts in same variables. Related to diphthongization, we confirmed our hypotheses: the sequence of unstressed vowels and the phonological phrase are favorable to the process. The selection of the variable was not exactly the same for both processes.

O fenômeno de sândi vocálico externo apresenta três realizações possíveis: a elisão, a degeminação e a ditongação. Este trabalho tem como proposta analisar o fenômeno de ditongação como processo de resolução de hiato em fronteira de palavras (camisa usada ~ cami[zaw]sada), baseado na amostra da cidade de Lages, em Santa Catarina, incluída no banco de dados do projeto VARSUL (Variação linguística na região sul do Brasil). O embasamento teórico se apoia em Bisol (1996, 2002 e 2005) para a descrição do processo; em Labov (2008) para fundamentos de teoria da variação; além de teorias fonológicas, como Fonologia Prosódica e Fonologia Lexical. Os objetivos específicos são os que seguem: a) identificar, em nossa amostra, fatores linguísticos que possam favorecer ou bloquear a aplicação da ditongação como processo de sândi externo; b) a partir dos resultados obtidos, corroborar ou não resultados de pesquisas já realizadas a respeito deste processo; c) ampliar a compreensão do fenômeno e oferecer subsídios para uma descrição geral do processo do sândi externo e do português falado no sul do Brasil. As hipóteses que procuramos confirmar são as seguintes: a) quanto à tonicidade, o contexto ideal para a aplicação da ditongação é o de atonicidade máxima (casa escura ~ ca[zaj]scura) (conforme Bisol, 1996; Bisol, 2002); b) o contexto interno à frase fonológica é mais favorecedor na aplicação do fenômeno (velho exemplo ~ velh[we]zemplo) (conforme Bisol, 1996). A análise estatística dos dados foi realizada pelo pacote de programas VARBRUL/GoldvarbX. A amostra, constituída de 16 informantes, mostrou, dentre outros fatores, que a ditongação crescente e a ditongação decrescente têm diferentes contextos favorecedores em relação ao acento e à categoria das vogais e têm contextos favorecedores semelhantes em outras variáveis em comum. Para a ditongação, confirmamos nossas hipóteses: a atonicidade máxima e o contexto interior à frase fonológica se mostraram favorecedores. A seleção das variáveis relevantes não foi idêntica para as duas realizações. / The external vowel sandhi phenomenon presents three possible ways of realization: the elision, the degemination and the diphthongization. This work analyzes the diphthongization phenomenon as a gap resolution process in words boundary (camisa usada ~ cami[zaw]sada) based on the sample of the city of Lages, Santa Catarina, included in the project database VARSUL (linguistic variation in southern Brazil). The theoretical basis is Bisol (1996, 2002 and 2005) for the description of the process; Labov (2008) for the variation theory fundamentals; and Brescancini (2005) for variational research methodology. The specific objectives are the following: a) to identify, in our sample, linguistic factors that may favor or block the application of external vowel sandhi processes; b) from the results obtained, to prove or disprove results of previous studies regarding this process; c) to increase the understanding of the phenomenon and provide support for a general description of the process of external sandhi and Portuguese spoken in southern Brazil. The hypotheses we intend to confirm are the following: a) the ideal context for the three external sandhi processes is an unstressed vowel + an unstressed vowel (casa escura ~ ca[zaj]scura) (as Bisol, 1996; Bisol, 2002; Ludwig-Gayer, 2008; Vianna, 2009); b) the internal context to phonological phrase is more favorable to the application of the phenomenon (velho exemplo ~ velh[we]zemplo) (as Bisol, 1996). Statistical analysis of data was performed by VARBRUL / GoldvarbX software. The sample consisted of 16 informants showed that rising diphthongization and decreased diphthongization have different favorable contexts related to stress and vowel category, and they have similar favorable contexts in same variables. Related to diphthongization, we confirmed our hypotheses: the sequence of unstressed vowels and the phonological phrase are favorable to the process. The selection of the variable was not exactly the same for both processes.