Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kentucky, 1994. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 182-200).

Thesis (M. S.)--Public Policy, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2007. / Gonzalo Rivas, Committee Member ; Juan Rogers, Committee Member ; Susan Cozzens, Committee Chair.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 21, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 253-284).

Throughout the Cold War, many publicly influential and socially committed scientists participated in a wide array of efforts to push U.S. foreign policy toward nuclear disarmament. Some of these scientists, such as Linus Pauling and Carl Sagan, relied on their credibility as respected public authorities to sway public opinion against nuclear weapons. Other scientists, such as Eugene Rabinowitch, quietly pursued informal, quasi-diplomatic methods. Still others, such as Hans Bethe, George Kistiakowsky, and Jerome Wiesner, worked within the government to restrain the arms race. Though rarely working in concert, all these scientists operated under the notion that their scientific expertise enabled them to articulate convincing and objective reasons for nuclear disarmament. But the U.S. government went to great lengths to neutralize these scientific arguments against nuclear weapons with a wide array of tactics all aimed at undermining their scientific credibility. Some scientists who offered moral reasons to end the arms race found their loyalty questioned by the state. When prodisarmament scientists offered strictly technical reasons to oppose to nuclear weapons, the government responded by promoting the equally technical objections to disarmament held by pronuclear scientists. At still other times, the government attempted to co-opt the arguments of its scientific challengers. In addition, scientists’ professional identity as objective and apolitical experts hampered scientific antinuclear activism. From the beginning of the Cold War to the 1980s, scientists continuously challenged nuclear weapons in a variety of ways; the government likewise continuously reshaped its responses to meet this challenge, and in so doing crafted a method of scientific containment. Thus the result of this incessant struggle was the consistent defeat of scientists’ dissent. By the time the Cold War ended, it did so on terms unrelated to scientists and nuclear weapons. / text

The study addresses: (1) changes in Canada's science-policy climate over the past two decades; (2) impacts o f such changes on the conduct and organization of academic science; and (3) publicinterest implications of promoting, in public institutions, research 'relevant' to private sector needs. Working within the interdisciplinary traditions of science studies, the conceptual framework draws on the cross-cutting tensions at the intersection of public and private space, and basic and applied science. These tensions are articulated in two opposing models: 'open science' and 'overflowing networks'. Canada's Networks of Centres of Excellence (NCE) program provides the study's empirical focus. Founded in 1988, the NCE program rests on dual goals of research excellence and commercial relevance. It promotes a national research capacity that 'floats across' existing provincial institutions. The first part of the study investigates the evolution of the NCE program against the background of Canadian science policy. The second part problematizes the notion of 'network' while investigating one of the NCEs in depth, examining the scientific, commercial, cultural, and spatial-structural practices that are the outcomes of policy. Examination of these practices reveals not only the cultural and commercial shifts sought by policy, but also unintended consequences such as regional clustering; elitism and exclusion; problems with social and fiscal accountability; tensions with host institutions; and goal displacement between science and commerce.

During the Second World War science came to play a large role in the British government's plans for postwar reconstruction of industry. The planners sought to improve industry's labour productivity and capacity for RandD. They drew on the consensus which had developed among scientists, industrialists and politicians favouring a great increase in state aid to universities and industrial RandD and increased government direction of research. The postwar Labour government, impressed with scientists' contributions to the war effort and faced with grave economic difficulties, was eager to enlist science in raising industrial output. By 1951, however, it had implemented few new programmes in this area. More money was being spent on the pre-existing Department of Scientific and Industrial Research and industry's co-operative Research Associations; the universities had doubled their output; the National Research and Development Corporation had begun in 1949; some publicity campaigns had raised public awareness of productivity's significance; and the economy, in the postwar boom, was performing much better than prewar. But overall the Attlee government did much less to raise industry's scientific level than it had planned. Almost every new programme was inadequately funded and staffed, and the few which survived had no realistic chance of reaching into individual factories to achieve the scientific renaissance which was necessary to return Britain to the front rank, by international standards, of innovation and industrial performance. The thesis examines that portion of civil science policy which aimed to improve industrial RandD and productivity, from the planning stage during the Coalition through implementation by the Attlee government. After an introductory chapter, Chapter 2 covers the work of wartime ministerial and official reconstruction committees; party differences and business opposition meant that reforms favouring a greater government role in RandD and industry generally were shelved until postwar. Chapter 3 examines the Attlee government's efforts to improve industrial RandD, particularly the formation of the Advisory Council on Scientific Policy, a failed attempt to create a British MIT, and several schemes, mostly unavailing, to vitalise DSIR, the RAs and private RandD. Chapter 4 examines postwar productivity policy, particularly the work of the Board of Trade, the scientifically-orientated Committee on Industrial Productivity, various government publicity campaigns, and the Anglo-American Council on Productivity. Chapter 5 briefly sketches post-1951 developments and finds that there has been little basic change in the policies suggested for arresting British industry's technical decline relative to its competitors, despite recurrent disappointment with the results of those policies.

This thesis is the first detailed study of the way in which science and technology were portrayed in propaganda and popular culture during the Khrushchëv period, a time when the Soviet leadership invested significant resources, both at home and abroad, in order to capitalise on its scientific achievements. It draws upon a wide range of previously unseen materials from the archives of the RSFSR Ministry of Education, the Soviet Academy of Sciences, the State Committee on Radio and Television and the Central Committee of the CPSU. It provides the first archive-based analysis of the lecturing organisation 'Znanie', which was crucial to the dissemination of Soviet propaganda in the post-war period. The thesis also makes use of a variety of published sources, such as popular science publications and journals, as well as a number of Soviet films from the Khrushchëv period. The thesis examines the manner in which scientific information was disseminated to the Soviet public and the ways in which public scientific opinion was able to participate in, and influence, this process. It is shown that a general lack of institutionalised control enabled members of the scientific intelligentsia to exercise a degree of control over the content of scientific propaganda, often in a very idiosyncratic fashion. The way in which the rhetorical and ideological presentation of science changed during the Khrushchëv period (often identified as 'the Thaw') is analysed, and it is shown that while Soviet popular science did become increasingly open to foreign influence it became preoccupied with new threats, such as generational and personal conflict. The thesis also uses the available sources to consider popular responses to scientific propaganda and, in particular, whether attempts to use scientific-atheistic propaganda to create a 'materialist' worldview amongst Soviet citizens met with any success. The thesis provides detailed case studies of the use of science in Khrushchëv's atheistic campaigns, of propaganda surrounding early Soviet achievements in the space race and of the portrayal of the Lysenko controversy in the popular media.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 300-311).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Public Policy, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2005. / Richard P. Barke, Committee Chair ; Roberta Berry, Committee Member ; Ann Bostrom, Committee Member ; Barry Bozeman, Committee Member ; Mary Frank Fox, Committee Member. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Orientador: Renato Peixoto Dagnino / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T22:38:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dias_RafaeldeBrito_D.pdf: 2045029 bytes, checksum: f9a3e5369eb7d7826cf5e80d680dc3d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo apresentar as principais transformações pelas quais a política científica e tecnológica (PCT) brasileira passou nas últimas seis décadas, com foco particular nas mudanças mais recentes (a partir de 2000). A reflexão acerca da trajetória dessa política feita no presente trabalho está baseada no referencial de Análise de Política (Policy Analysis), que possibilita a apreciação de questões sutis atinentes às políticas públicas que geralmente são ignorados, tais como assimetrias de poder, particularidades do processo de tomada de decisão, conflitos, valores, interesses, etc. Além disso, esse referencial - e, em particular, um de seus conceitos, o de advocacy coalitions - permite apreciar o significado das transformações ocorridas na política pública a partir de uma perspectiva histórica mais ampla. Também constitui uma parte importante do referencial teórico-metodológico empregado nesse trabalho o campo dos Estudos Sociais da Ciência e da Tecnologia (ECTS) e, em particular, as reflexões realizadas no âmbito da vertente latino-americana desse campo a partir da década de 1960. O trabalho identifica duas fases da política científica e tecnológica brasileira nesse período: a primeira, de 1950 a 1980, inserida no projeto desenvolvimentista; e a segunda, a partir de 1980, na qual as figuras do mercado e da empresa privada ganham importância crescente. Destaca, além disso, a constante participação da comunidade de pesquisa brasileira como ator dominante dessa política. Por fim, o trabalho destaca a promissora emergência de um ator cuja participação na política científica e tecnológica brasileira tem sido historicamente pouco expressiva: os movimentos sociais. Essa reflexão é feita a partir da análise do movimento da Tecnologia Social, conformado recentemente, mas que tem sido, até o momento, um dos principais mecanismos de inclusão das demandas desse ator na agenda dessa política. / Abstract: The main objective of this dissertation is to present the main transformations underwent by Brazilian science and technology policy (STP) in the last six decades, with particular focus in the more recent changes (after 2000). The arguments concerning this policy's trajectory is based on the Policy Analysis framework, which makes it possible to take into account subtle questions related to public policies that are generally ignored, such as power asymmetries, particularities of the decision making process, conflicts, values, interests, etc. Moreover, this approach - and, in particular, one of its concepts, that of advocacy coalitions - allows us to understand the meaning of transformations in public policies from a broader historical perspective. Also the field of Social Studies of Science and Technology constitutes an important part of the theoretical and methodological approach this work is based on. In this sense, the ideas derived from the Latin American Thought on Science, Technology and Society from the 1960's on are particularly interesting. In this work we identify two main phases of the Brazilian science and technology policy in this period: the first one, stretching from the 1950's to the 1980's, which was inserted in the nationalist project; and the second, starting in 1980, in which markets and private companies gain an increasing importance. We emphasize, moreover, the constant participation of the Brazilian research community as this policy's dominant actor. Finally, we stress the promising emergence of an actor whose participation in the Brazilian science and technology policy has historically been peripheral: the social movements. This argument is made based on the analysis of the Social Technology movement which, although still very recent, has so far been one of the main mechanisms of inclusion of the demands of this actor in the STP agenda. / Doutorado / Doutor em Política Científica e Tecnológica