LL.M. (International Law) / After witnessing the catastrophic effects of the First World War, the pursuit of a global regulatory body charged with the responsibility of maintaining global peace and security was the talk of the day and a body which became known as the League of Nations soon surfaced. However, with the manifestation of the Second World War the essential failure of the League of Nations was evident and led to the creation of a new body along with a dream to prevent the same kind of disastrous conflict the world had just witnessed for a second time from occurring again. The idea that a single body would in essence control the fate of world security matters was brought to life and the United Nations Security Council essentially emerged, reflecting the power balance that ensued at the end of World War 2 – the United States, Britain, the Soviet Union, China and France suddenly became the most powerful nations in the world. With the existence of regional organisations pre-dating that of both the League and the United Nations, the debate as to the ideal relationship between the global body and regional bodies developed. Despite the fact that the UN Charter essentially instilled a hierarchy, with the Security Council holding primacy over matters of security governance4 whilst allowing regional organisations to act unilaterally only in limited circumstances,5 this debate has continued to the present day. Since the conception of the United Nations, the traditional role of regional organisations in matters of security governance were mostly limited to peacekeeping and preventative diplomacy and the inaction of the Security Council during the Cold War saw an increase in the activity of these bodies, albeit in these forms.

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Orientador: Héctor Luis Saint-Pierre / Co-orientador: José Antônio Sanahuja Perales / Banca: Diego Lopes da Silva / Banca: Juliana de Paula Bigatão / Banca: Marina Gisela Vitelli / Banca: Samuel Alves Soares / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Buscando enfrentar os desafios impostos às políticas de defesa e segurança nos âmbitos regional e internacional, os Estados se voltam à cooperação em defesa. Com a complexidade das alianças estratégicas de defesa, nota-se um movimento de medidas interestatais, que procuram consolidar novas vias para o progresso cooperativo, tanto bilaterais, como multilaterais, sendo o Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano (CDS), da União de Nações Sul-Americanas (UNASUL), um exemplo expressivo. Com a presente tese propomos responder duas perguntas centrais: 1) Quais são as variáveis causais que levaram à cooperação em defesa com o CDS-UNASUL? e 2) Quais são as variáveis que afetaram a cooperação em defesa na América do Sul? Para tanto, realizamos a opção teórica pelos estudos críticos de segurança, especialmente com a teoria de Buzan e Waever sobre os Complexos Regionais de Segurança. Utilizando a América do Sul como base empírica, construímos a tese em três níveis de análise: internacional, regional e nacional, que interagem entre si. Não assumimos aqui uma determinação causal prévia entre esses níveis. Consequentemente, realizamos uma construção analítica sem relações e determinações pré-concebidas, permitindo a construção de uma conclusão baseada em fatos empíricos. A tese está pautada em uma análise histórica, por meio de fontes primárias, secundárias e execução de entrevistas. Estudamos o Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano da UNASUL, seu Centro de Estudos Estratégicos de Defesa (CEED-CDS) e su... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Seeking to face the challenges imposed to defense and security policies at the regional and international levels, states turn to defense cooperation. With the complexity of strategic defense alliances, there is a movement of inter-state actions which seek to consolidate new avenues for cooperative progress, both bilateral and multilateral, being the South American Defense Council (CDS), of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), an expressive example. In this thesis we propose to answer two central questions: 1) What are the causal variables that led to defense cooperation with the CDS-UNASUR? and 2) What are the variables that affected defense cooperation in South America? To do so, we have chosen critical security studies as our theoretical perspective, especially Buzan and Waever‟s theory of Regional Security Complexes. Using South America as an empirical basis, we build the thesis in three levels of analysis: international, regional and national, which interact with one another. We do not assume here a prior causal determination between these levels. Consequently, we perform an analytic construct without preconceived relationships and determinations, allowing the construction of a conclusion based on empirical facts. The thesis is based on historical analysis through primary and secondary sources and interviews. We studied the South American Defense Council of UNASUR, its Center for Strategic Defense Studies (CEED-CDS) and its South American Defense School (ESUDE), ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: Buscando enfrentar los desafíos impuestos a las políticas de defensa y seguridad en los ámbitos regional e internacional, los Estados se vuelven a la cooperación en defensa. Con la complejidad de las alianzas estratégicas de defensa, se nota un movimiento de medidas interestatales, que procuran consolidar nuevas vías para el progreso cooperativo, tanto bilaterales, como multilaterales, siendo el Consejo de Defensa Suramericano (CDS), de la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas (UNASUR), un ejemplo expresivo. La tesis doctoral se propone a contestas dos preguntas centrales: 1) ¿Cuales son las variables causales que llevaran a la cooperación en defensa con el CDS-UNASUR? y 2) ¿Cuales son las variables que afectaron la cooperación en defensa en la América del Sur? Por lo tanto, realizamos la opción teórica por los estudios críticos de seguridad, especialmente con la teoría de Buzan y Waever sobre los Complejos Regionales de Seguridad. Utilizando la América del Sur como base empírica, construimos la tesis en tres niveles de análisis: internacional, regional y nacional, que interactúan entre sí. No asumimos aquí una determinación causal previa entre eses niveles. Consequentemente, realizamos una construcción analítica sin relación y determinaciones pre-concebidas, permitiendo la construcción de una conclusión basada en factos empíricos. La tesis está pautada en un análisis histórico, por medio de fuentes primarias, secundarias y ejecución de entrevistas. Estudiamos el Consejo de Defensa... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Doutor

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For a decade, the EU and NATO have both claimed to have a relationship purported to be a Strategic Partnership. However, this relationship is widely understood by both academics and practitioners to be problematic. Although not denying that the relationship is problematic, it is claimed here that the argument, whereby the EU and NATO simply do not cooperate, is very limited in its value. In fact, it is argued that the two organisations cooperate far more, albeit less efficiently, outside of the formal Agreed Framework for cooperation. According to the formal rules of Berlin Plus/Agreed Framework (BP/AF), the EU and NATO should not cooperate at all outside of the Bosnia Herzegovina (ALTHEA) context. This is clearly not the case. The fundamental aim of this thesis is to investigate how this cooperation - beyond the BP/AF has emerged. Above all, it asks, within a context where formal EU-NATO cooperation is ruled out, what type of cooperation is emerging? This thesis attempts to explain the creation and performance of the informal EU-NATO institutional relationship beyond Berlin Plus. This thesis, drawing on insights from historical institutionalist theory and by investigating EU-NATO cooperation in counter-piracy, Kosovo and Afghanistan, puts forward three general arguments. First, in order for informal EU-NATO cooperation to take place outside of the BP/AF, cooperation is driven spatially away from the central political tools of Brussels, towards the common operational areas and hierarchically downwards to the international staffs and, in particular, towards the operational personnel. Second, although the key assumptions of historical institutionalism (path dependency, punctuated equilibrium and critical junctures) help to explain the stasis of the EU-NATO relationship at the broad political and strategic level, a more complete understanding of the relationship is warranted. Including theoretical assumptions of incremental change helps to explain the informal cooperation that is now driving EU-NATO relations beyond Berlin Plus. Finally, this thesis makes the fundamental claim that the processes of incremental change through informal cooperation reinforce the current static formal political and strategic relationship. Events and operational necessity are driving incremental change far more than any theoretical debates about where the EU ends and NATO begins. Until events force a situation whereby both organisations must revisit the formal structures of cooperation, the static relationship will continue to exist, reinforced by sporadically releasing the political pressure valve expedited through the processes of informal cooperation. If the EU and NATO are to truly achieve a Strategic Partnership , it will stem from an existential security critical juncture and not from internal evolutionary processes.

Since the end of the Korean War tensions have continued on the Korean peninsula. This research focuses on the role of coercive persuasion employed by the United States when North Korea provoked several crises from the late 1960 to the early 1990s.  The case studies include the USS <i>Pueblo</i> incident in 1968, the EC-121 incident in 1969, the axe-murder incident in 1976, and the North Korean nuclear inspection crisis in 1993-94.  In addition to examining crisis negotiations, each case introduces an overview of the changing environment surrounding the Korean peninsula, and analyses North Korea’s motives and intentions in causing crises during that given period. In the theoretical debate on international relations, this study introduces two distinct theories about the explanation of state behaviour.   On the one hand, realists predict that states seek security and survival as the most important objective of their national interests when they are faced with outside threats.  Culturalists meanwhile seek to explain states’ behavioural patterns as distinct and different from state to state due to their unique strategic cultures, which are deeply rooted in historical experience, national self-image, and unique ideology.  Overall, the North Korean responses in the several crises under investigation could be best explained by a combination of these two theories, but this study aims at evaluating the persuasiveness of the two theories in the chosen case histories of US-North Korean relations. To assess the cases more thoroughly with historical evidences, this study draws on primary source materials.  It relies substantially on declassified US government documents, although it also examines South Korean and North Korean materials in order to offer a balanced and objective account of the crises.

This study uses Kenneth Burke's concept of terministic filters to examine what the word security means to two different publics within the academic discipline of international relations. It studies the rhetoric feminist international relations theorists and contrasts their view security with that of realist and neo-realist interpretations of international affairs. This study claims to open up the possibility for studying the rhetoric of emergent movements through the use of dramatistic or terministic screens.

LL.M. (International Law) / Since 1945 there has been a noticeable broadening of what constitutes a threat to international peace and security. Traditionally, the definition of “threat to international peace” was limited to a conflict among nations, which were conflicts common in the world. The core threat to international peace used to be organized inter-state conflicts only. Today however, the nature of threats to international peace has changed drastically to include internal conflicts – as there are examples of cases where these have spread across the borders or have led to massive refugee situations. In this dissertation, I review the mandate of the United Nation’s inter alia the changing definition of ‘threat to international peace’.

This research seeks to explore the behavior of international and regional organizations within conflict management. Previous research on conflict management primarily examines UN peacekeeping as the primary actor and lumps all non-UN actors into a single category. I disaggregate this category, examining how international and regional organizations interact when deciding to establish a peace mission, coordinate a peace mission with multiple organizations, and finally, how this interaction affects the success of peace missions. I propose a collective action theoretical framework in which organizations would rather another actor undertake the burden and costs of implementing a peace mission. I find the United Nations is motivated to overcome the collective action problem through an increase in the severity of the conflict. Regional organizations are motivated to establish a peace mission as the economic and political salience of the conflict increases, increasing the possibility of the regional organization acquiring club goods for its member states. The presence of a regional hegemon within a regional organization also significantly increases the likelihood of an organization both establishing a peace mission and taking on the primary role when coordinating a joint mission. I argue this is because a regional hegemon allows the organization to more easily overcome the collective action problem between its own member states due to the presence of a privileged actor.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The term "security" has always been vague in terms of its definition. After the end of the Cold War, however, this vagueness increased as new paradigms emerged. Those studying security need a better understanding of the term "security" to deal with complex issues within the broadly understood discipline of security studies. This thesis describes the uncertain nature of security by analyzing: (1) various definitions of security and some of the terms directly related to it in different contexts; and (2) the empirical meaning of security by examining threats as indicators of "insecurity," based on the different characters of threats, and levels of analysis from the field of international relations. The thesis argues that regardless of the vague meaning of the term "security," empirically its parameters are quite certain and definable by the specification of threats as indicators of insecurity. This clarification of the meaning of security studies, in turn, makes it easier for scholars and policy-makers to deal with this increasingly important sphere of human life. / Captain, Polish Army