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The UN secretary-general plays an important political role in world politics, yet the UN Charter describes him merely as "the chief administrative officer of the Organization". How did such a development come about? The existing narrative tends to emphasise the contribution made by Dag Hammarskjöld, the United Nation's second secretary-general from 1953 to 1961. This thesis argues that there are two problems with this narrative. First, it overlooks the precedents set under the first UN secretary-general, Trygve Lie, who was in office from 1946 to 1953. Second, it places too much emphasis on the personal role played by Hammarskjöld, and fails to adequately consider the importance of institutional factors. The main empirical contribution of this thesis is to highlight the importance of precedents set during the first years of the UN's existence while Lie was secretary-general. Through his active stance on political issues in relation to Iran, Palestine, Berlin, Chinese representation, and Korea, as well as his consistently strong defence of the UN's unity and principles, Trygve Lie succeeded in carving out space for the secretary-general to act autonomously on political issues, which later secretaries-general could build on. The thesis' main theoretical contribution is to emphasise the importance of institutional factors in the development of the UN secretary-general's political role. In a conceptual framework based on institutionalism, the thesis explains how the UN secretary-general should be understood to play a 'role' within the 'institution' of the United Nations, and how this makes change of the role and the institution possible. Furthermore, through an examination of the founding of the United Nations and early expectations for the role of the secretary-general, the thesis shows that the institution of the United Nations had been set up from the start in such a way that it not only allowed for an expansion of the office of UN secretary-general, but also made such an expansion likely. The body of the thesis demonstrates how this process played out over time, by examining Lie's activities as secretary-general, and offering a historical narrative of several episodes where the institution 'pulled' to expand the office, just as much as, or even more than, Lie 'pushed' for the same outcome.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-05T18:29:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-06-06. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2016-02-05T18:33:40Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000697610.pdf: 855916 bytes, checksum: 4ba849e191be7971d476f61bf60f85d7 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O trabalho analisa as relações de segurança e defesa na América do Sul a partir de uma perspectiva de complementaridades das Relações Internacionais. Entendendo que as relações entre os atores remetem a um conjunto de espelhos convexos sobre cujas superfícies se movimentam as imagens refletidas por eles, ocorrendo a interposição de três eixos - sensibilidade, comunição e sociabilidade - e, portanto, a combinação entre imagens e percepções que, uma vez comunicadas e interpretadas, fazem existir as interações entre os atores do sistema, primordialmente os Estados. Dessa forma, destacamos a relevância dos fatores intersubjetivos na fomulação de políticas, em outras palavras, como interesses, identidades, imagens e percepções influenciam a construção de conceitos, estruturas e comportamentos que pautarão as relações cooperativas entre os países, e vice-versa. Essa dinâmica aplicada à área da segurança, acreditamos, fornece uma base coerente com a qual podemos explicar a arquitetura das instituições multilaterais cooperativas no campo e, em especial, a alternância de níveis de abrangência (regional e micro regional) da integração a partir da perspectiva brasileira. Trabalhamos sob a hipótese de que há um descompasso entre as concepções monolíticas basilares dos mecanismos cooperativos de segurança e defesa da região das Américas e os objetivos declarados pela retórica e pelos documentos fundadores que pode minar os trabalhos políticos das instituições e a própria identidade que se tenta forjar nesse campo mas possibilitou a diferenciação do processo sul-americano. Objetivamos expor os elementos necessários à conformação de uma identidade sub-regional em defesa e à construção de uma comunidade integrativa com um sentido coeso na América do Sul e mostrar em que medida a identidade em defesa é entendida em termos de segurança. Ressaltamos a importância do Brasil como articulador de... / This text analyses the security and defense relations in South America as from a perspective of complementarities of the International Relations. Understanding that the relations between the actors refer to a set of convex mirrors upon whose surfaces their projected images move, there is a crossover between three axes - sensibility, communication and sociability - as the aggregation between images and perceptions that, once communicated and interpreted, bring to life the interactions between the actors of the international system, mainly the States. Thus, we emphasize the relevance of the intersubjective aspects of the policy making, in other words, how the interests and identities and images and perceptions have an effect on the construction of concepts, structures and behaviors that will guide the cooperative relations between countries and conversely. We believe that this dynamic applied on the security field can provide a coherent foundation that allows us to explain the architecture of cooperative multilateral institutions regarding this issue and particularly the shift of levels of scope (regional and sub-regional) regarding integration and cooperation from a Brazilian perspective. We work on the hypothesis that there is a mismatch between the basic monolithic conceptions of the institutional mechanisms on defense and security in the American continent and also of the rhetoric declared objectives and founding documents that can undermine the political work of the institutions and the very identity that countries are trying to build on this field. This enabled a South American specific process of integration on the field. Our objective is to present the necessary elements to shape a sub-regional defense identity and the construction of a integrative community with a cohesive meaning and to show in which measures the defense identity is understood in security terms. We highlight the importance...

O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Orientador: Héctor Luis Saint-Pierre / Banca: Antonio Jorge Ramalho da Rocha / Banca: Samuel Alves Soares / Resumo: O trabalho analisa as relações de segurança e defesa na América do Sul a partir de uma perspectiva de complementaridades das Relações Internacionais. Entendendo que as relações entre os atores remetem a um conjunto de espelhos convexos sobre cujas superfícies se movimentam as imagens refletidas por eles, ocorrendo a interposição de três eixos - sensibilidade, comunição e sociabilidade - e, portanto, a combinação entre imagens e percepções que, uma vez comunicadas e interpretadas, fazem existir as interações entre os atores do sistema, primordialmente os Estados. Dessa forma, destacamos a relevância dos fatores intersubjetivos na fomulação de políticas, em outras palavras, como interesses, identidades, imagens e percepções influenciam a construção de conceitos, estruturas e comportamentos que pautarão as relações cooperativas entre os países, e vice-versa. Essa dinâmica aplicada à área da segurança, acreditamos, fornece uma base coerente com a qual podemos explicar a arquitetura das instituições multilaterais cooperativas no campo e, em especial, a alternância de níveis de abrangência (regional e micro regional) da integração a partir da perspectiva brasileira. Trabalhamos sob a hipótese de que há um descompasso entre as concepções monolíticas basilares dos mecanismos cooperativos de segurança e defesa da região das Américas e os objetivos declarados pela retórica e pelos documentos fundadores que pode minar os trabalhos políticos das instituições e a própria identidade que se tenta forjar nesse campo mas possibilitou a diferenciação do processo sul-americano. Objetivamos expor os elementos necessários à conformação de uma identidade sub-regional em defesa e à construção de uma comunidade integrativa com um sentido coeso na América do Sul e mostrar em que medida a identidade em defesa é entendida em termos de segurança. Ressaltamos a importância do Brasil como articulador de... / Abstract: This text analyses the security and defense relations in South America as from a perspective of complementarities of the International Relations. Understanding that the relations between the actors refer to a set of convex mirrors upon whose surfaces their projected images move, there is a crossover between three axes - sensibility, communication and sociability - as the aggregation between images and perceptions that, once communicated and interpreted, bring to life the interactions between the actors of the international system, mainly the States. Thus, we emphasize the relevance of the intersubjective aspects of the policy making, in other words, how the interests and identities and images and perceptions have an effect on the construction of concepts, structures and behaviors that will guide the cooperative relations between countries and conversely. We believe that this dynamic applied on the security field can provide a coherent foundation that allows us to explain the architecture of cooperative multilateral institutions regarding this issue and particularly the shift of levels of scope (regional and sub-regional) regarding integration and cooperation from a Brazilian perspective. We work on the hypothesis that there is a mismatch between the basic monolithic conceptions of the institutional mechanisms on defense and security in the American continent and also of the rhetoric declared objectives and founding documents that can undermine the political work of the institutions and the very identity that countries are trying to build on this field. This enabled a South American specific process of integration on the field. Our objective is to present the necessary elements to shape a sub-regional defense identity and the construction of a integrative community with a cohesive meaning and to show in which measures the defense identity is understood in security terms. We highlight the importance... / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-08-29Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:17:38Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 rebelo_tr_me_mar.pdf: 1105628 bytes, checksum: 0c47cd7909e5850906d94d44b2c4b8c2 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente trabalho investiga os textos produzidos no âmbito do sistema ONU, que discorrem sobre as Operações de Manutenção da Paz a partir de uma perspectiva de gênero, e de que maneira eles contribuem para o rompimento de ideias estereotipadas sobre a participação de mulheres nos contingentes militares. Ainda, discute-se em que medida as justificativas para o aumento do número de mulheres contrastam com ideias convencionais sobre os espaços a serem ocupados por elas nos instrumentos de manutenção da paz. Com o intuito de cumprir os objetivos elencados, analisa-se a linguagem de gênero, em diálogo com as teorias feministas e de gênero, utilizada na Resolução 1325 do Conselho de Segurança, nos relatórios do Secretário Geral (2000 – 2010), nas diretrizes do Departamento de Operações de Paz das Nações Unidas e nos informes de agências especializadas vinculadas à ONU. A pesquisa destaca que (i) a categoria de análise gênero é apresentada por vezes como sinônimo de mulher; (ii) os estereótipos de gênero “mulher pacífica” e “mulher vítima” aparecem com certa frequência na linguagem utilizada e (iii) os documentos estabelecem previamente as funções que o pessoal feminino pode desempenhar, associando-as às atividades de apoio e proteção a outras mulheres / In this study, we aim to analyze United Nations texts from a gender perspective and to investigate if they challenge women’s traditional stereotypes. Furthermore, we discuss to what extent discourses in support of women’s increasing participation in the UN military contrast with conventional ideas about the roles to be performed by them in peacekeeping operations. In dialogue with feminist and gender theories, we consider the language used in the Resolution 1325 (2000), the UN Secretary General Reports (2000-2010), the guidelines of the Department of the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and the related reports of UN specialized agencies. The results of this research indicate the following (i) that sometimes gender is presented as a synonym for woman, (ii) the gender stereotypes “woman pacifist” and “woman victim” appear frequently in the language used by the UN and (iii) the documents set previously the roles that female personnel can play, linking them to womanly activities such as support and protection of other women

Nuclear deterrence is born from the two superpowers’ relations during the Cold War as they were the first countries to get nuclear weapons and they were the main and most powerful rivals in the world. Then new actors joined the game by testing their own nuclear bombs: the UK in 1952, followed by France in 1960, China in 1964, India in 1974, and Pakistan in 1998. Israel pretends it does not have any nuclear weapons but it is an open secret that they do 1. France helped Israel to get its weapons and the nuclear explosion in 1979 off the southern coast of Africa probably involved Israel and South Africa (sourced by the Federation of American Scientists, the Wisconsin Project on Arms Control, the Center for Defense Information, etc.). This was confirmed by Mordechai Vanunu, former Israeli scientist who worked on developing the bomb. The intrusion of new nuclear countries frightened the United States and the USSR because the balance was already fragile and newcomers could break it. Would the game remain "safe" with more players? Therefore in 1968 both countries drafted a treaty to prevent nuclear proliferation. The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) came into force in 1970, at a time when five countries had successfully achieved a nuclear explosion. The NPT officially recognises only these five countries as nuclear-weapons states. They happen to be also the five permanent member states of the UN Security Council. India and Pakistan carried out a nuclear test after 1968 and are therefore referred to as non-official nuclearweapons states. The new nuclear states adopted and adapted the nuclear doctrine to their needs, their geopolitical interests and their place in international relations.

A dearth of pre-existing research in the field prompted this thesis on whether traditional econometric analyses of war deterrent alliances are applicable to modern alliances for counter terror purposes. Apparent foundational and contextual differences between the two types of alliances and the costs and benefits member nations derive from each lead the author to theorize that factors contributing to the formation of each alliance are fundamentally similar. Multiple types of statistical models are used to measure variables from the Correlates of War and Polity datasets combined with custom variables in a new dataset concerning major transnational terrorist attacks and the resultant alliances in testing the effect of traditionally contributing formation factors on alliances against terrorism. The results indicate that some contributing factors are similar, extant analysis tools have utility and that further investigation is justified.

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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the prospects of an effective African peacekeeping capability in light of the developing peace and security architecture of the relatively new continental body, the African Union (AU). The primary aim is to determine the nature and severity of those challenges that currently face the organization’s ambition of realizing this Pan-African dream. This study is a qualitative analysis that comprises both descriptive and exploratory aspects. The thesis begins by discussing the development of peacekeeping in conflict management. It establishes that peacekeeping emerged as an ad hoc response by the UN to address the growing issue of inter-state conflict during the Cold War, but has evolved into one of the primary tools used by the international community to manage complex crises. The advent of new security threats in the post-Cold War era, spurred on by the dynamic process of globalization, necessitated that peacekeeping adapt and is commonly perceived in contemporary discourse as a multidimensional practice. Central to this development was the shift in focus from international to human security and the recent development of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. The study then goes on to explore the process that has ultimately led to the establishment of the AU’s proposed peacekeeping capability, the African Standby Force (ASF). With a dramatic increase in incidences of violent conflict across the globe in the 1990s, the UN’s limited resources were pushed to the limit, thus paving the way for regional organizations to play a more important role in ensuring international peace and security. The establishment of the AU in 2002 was meant to put to bed the inability of its forerunner, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which had suffered from limited financial, logistical and structural competence, while its political and institutional authority was hampered by dissent and the qualified support of member states. However, as the African Union Mission in the Darfur region of Sudan (AMIS), highlights, the AU’s peacekeeping capacity is hamstrung by a lack of political will on the part of African leaders, weak institutional capacity, severe financial constraints as well as an overly militaristic approach that neglects the essential multidimensional nature of peacekeeping. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis ondersoek die vooruitsigte van ‘n effektiewe Afrika vrede-bewaringsmag, binne die konteks van die huidige Afrika Unie (AU) se raamwerk vir vrede en sekuriteit. Die primêre navorsingsdoel is om vas te stel wat die AU se belangrikste uitdagings is, om die die strewe na Pan-Afrikanisme te bewerkstellig in die area van vrede-instandhouding op die kontinent. Eerstens word ‘n oorsig gegee oor die ontwikkeling van vrede-instandhouding binne die konteks van konflikbestuur. Die afleiding word gemaak dat vrede-instandhouding ontstaan het as ‘n ad hoc proses binne die Verenigde Nasies ten einde inter-staat konflik tydens die Koue Oorlog, te besleg. Dit is later binne die internasionale gemeenskap aanvaar as die primêre strategie vir die oplossing en hantering van internasionale konflik. Na die einde van die Koue Oorlog, en tesame met die dinamiese proses van globalisering, het vredeinstandhouding egter verder ontwikkel en ’n multi-dimensionele proses geword. Hierdie ontwikkeling is hoofsaaklik gekenmerk deur ’n fokus wat wegbeweeg het van tradisionele soewereiniteits-sekuriteit na menslike sekuriteit. Dit het gepaardgegaan met die gelyktydige ontwikkeling van die Verantwoordelikheid om te Beskerm doktrine. Die studie ondersoek verder die prosesse wat bygedra het tot die AU se voorgestelde vredesmag – die Afrika Bystandsmag (ASF). As gevolg van ’n toename in internasionale konflik tydens die 1990s is die Verenigde Nasies se vermoeëns tot die uiterste beproef. Dit het die weg gebaan vir die opkoms van kontinentale en streeks-organisasies om ‘n meer prominente rol te speel in internasional vrede-instandhouding en sekuriteit. Die stigting van die AU in 2002, was veronderstel om die finansiële, logistieke en strukturele tekortkominge van sy voorganger, die Unie vir Afrika Eenheid (OAU) aan te spreek, aangesien laasgenoemde se politieke en institusionele hoedanigheid ondermyn is deur sy lidlande. Daar word bevind – met behulp van ’n gevalle-studie analise van die AU se Sending na Soedan (AMIS) dat die AU se kapasiteit nie na wense is nie, as gevolg van die gebrek aan samewerking tussen leiers, finansiële tekortkominge en ’n neiging om militaristiese benadering te volg, ten koste van die multi-dimensionele aspek van vredes-instandhouding.