The scope of the thesis is to study India's nuclear behavior and the international responses in the period following India's nuclear weapons tests in 1998 leading up to the waiver for India by the nuclear suppliers group in 2008. The thesis explores this process of nuclear reconciliation in the context of a quest for international nuclear legitimacy. Nuclear legitimation is understood as a two-sided process and the explanation assumes two sides to the story: the Indian side and the audience side. Grounding the conceptualization within a theoretical framework of constructivism, the thesis explores the legitimation strategies employed by the Indian government to assuage international apprehensions about its possession of nuclear weapons. Additionally, the thesis analyzes how and why selected states in the international audience received and responded to India's strategies. In doing so, the thesis acknowledges but goes beyond an apparent power and interest explanation underlined by geo-political/security considerations and economic/trade interests - to include an analysis of shared norms and beliefs that constituted a basis for legitimacy judgments, circumscribed the interaction between India and other states, induced certain responses on the audience side and made possible certain claims on the Indian side. The principal argument is that normative evaluations and ideational factors served as important resources on both sides and also played an important role in determining the timing as well as the nature of nuclear reconciliation with India. By allowing a strategic employment of different arguments that appealed to the different states in the targeted audience, a legitimation process reduced the political, economic and diplomatic costs for the Indian government. Similarly, it enabled other states in the audience to support (as the P3: France, Russia and United Kingdom did), not come in the way (as the game-changers: Australia, Canada, Germany and Japan did) or not block India-specific waiver (as the white knights: Ireland, Austria, Norway, New Zealand, Sweden and Switzerland did) - and to justify their responses, cost-effectively.

Orientador: Suzeley Kalil Mathias / Banca: Samuel Alves Soares / Banca: Iara Beleli / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: O presente trabalho investiga os textos produzidos no âmbito do sistema ONU, que discorrem sobre as Operações de Manutenção da Paz a partir de uma perspectiva de gênero, e de que maneira eles contribuem para o rompimento de ideias estereotipadas sobre a participação de mulheres nos contingentes militares. Ainda, discute-se em que medida as justificativas para o aumento do número de mulheres contrastam com ideias convencionais sobre os espaços a serem ocupados por elas nos instrumentos de manutenção da paz. Com o intuito de cumprir os objetivos elencados, analisa-se a linguagem de gênero, em diálogo com as teorias feministas e de gênero, utilizada na Resolução 1325 do Conselho de Segurança, nos relatórios do Secretário Geral (2000 - 2010), nas diretrizes do Departamento de Operações de Paz das Nações Unidas e nos informes de agências especializadas vinculadas à ONU. A pesquisa destaca que (i) a categoria de análise gênero é apresentada por vezes como sinônimo de mulher; (ii) os estereótipos de gênero "mulher pacífica" e "mulher vítima" aparecem com certa frequência na linguagem utilizada e (iii) os documentos estabelecem previamente as funções que o pessoal feminino pode desempenhar, associando-as às atividades de apoio e proteção a outras mulheres / Abstract: In this study, we aim to analyze United Nations texts from a gender perspective and to investigate if they challenge women's traditional stereotypes. Furthermore, we discuss to what extent discourses in support of women's increasing participation in the UN military contrast with conventional ideas about the roles to be performed by them in peacekeeping operations. In dialogue with feminist and gender theories, we consider the language used in the Resolution 1325 (2000), the UN Secretary General Reports (2000-2010), the guidelines of the Department of the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and the related reports of UN specialized agencies. The results of this research indicate the following (i) that sometimes gender is presented as a synonym for woman, (ii) the gender stereotypes "woman pacifist" and "woman victim" appear frequently in the language used by the UN and (iii) the documents set previously the roles that female personnel can play, linking them to womanly activities such as support and protection of other women / Mestre

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T06:16:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_DemetriusCesario_M.pdf: 764027 bytes, checksum: b9a8c5e7343e7ce9113c81502fe47e94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Esta dissertação pretende analisar a influência do sistema internacional após a Guerra Fria no regionalismo europeu por meio do estudo da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC) da União Européia (UE). No trabalho, procurou-se apresentar as teorias sistêmicas de integração regional, concentrando-se na perspectiva neo-realista para a análise da PESC. A partir daí, contextualiza-se o cenário mundial e regional, para então inserir o estudo da PESC na análise. Estudou-se também as discussões que levaram à criação da PESC pelo Tratado de Maastricht, com a análise das posições dos três principais países envolvidos na negociação, Alemanha, França e Reino Unido, para depois examinar suas características e evoluções. Assim, o trabalho relaciona os avanços e retrocessos da PESC com as previsões feitas pelos teóricos realistas, avaliando a validade de seus argumentos e tecendo cenários futuros com o auxílio da teoria, especialmente em relação à independência de uma política externa européia em relação aos EUA e à OTAN / Abstract: This paper is an analysis of the post-Cold War international system in the European regionalism through the study of the Common Foreign and Security Polity (CFSP) of the European Union (UE). The regional integration systemic theories are presented, concentrating in the neorealist perspective to the analysis of CFSP. From this starting point, the global and regional scenarios are contextualized, and then the study of the CFSP is inserted. It was also studied the discussions that led to the creation of CFSP by the Maastricht Treaty, along with the analysis of the positions of the three main countries involved in the negotiation, Germany, France and United Kingdom, to then examine its characteristics and evolutions. The paper correlates advances and backlashes of the CFSP with the previsions made by the realist scholars, evaluating the validity of their arguments and building future scenarios with the aid of theory, especially in relation to the independence of a European foreign policy in relation to the US and NATO / Mestrado / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

Global demand for peacekeeping is growing, especially in Africa. The United Nations has traditionally been at the forefront of developing peacekeeping theory and practice, and remains the primary operational agency for peacekeeping in Africa. But increasing emphasis is being placed on the African Union to assume greater responsibility for peacekeeping on the continent. The AU is still comparatively new and is in the process of developing its peace and security architecture. Over the past decade, the international community has been supporting African peacekeeping, both to build AU capacity and to provide direct operational support. In 2005 the international community agreed a collective 'responsibility to protect' vulnerable civilians threatened by gross violations of their human rights. And civilian protection is increasingly included in the mandates of peacekeeping missions. Within the context of contemporary complex, multidimensional peacekeeping ('peace support'), civilian protection is not an exclusive operational objective, but is rather one of a number of mandated tasks aimed at establishing more sustainable security as part of a broader peacebuilding goal. The AU has embraced the responsibility to protect principle, adopting a constitutional commitment to protect the rights of vulnerable civilians, including through peacekeeping interventions if necessary. But how capable is the AU in practice to deliver effective peacekeeping to protect civilians? And how appropriate is international support to help realise this ambition?

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The International Criminal Court (ICC) is an exciting new development in the international system. It is not without its detractors, however, amongst others the United States. The fact that the United States takes a strong stance against the ICC creates uncertainty in the international system. This uncertainty is linked to the role of the United States as the only remaining superpower in this system. The main concern of the United States about the ICC is that an American might be brought before the court in terms of politically motivated charges. To illustrate this concern, the United States offers five basic arguments. These five are condensed into three arguments that form the main body of this thesis. They are the questions related to the jurisdiction of the ICC, the role of the United Nations Security Council in the functioning of the ICC, and the influence that the United States constitution might have on the ICC. Close attention is also paid to the political implications of the stance taken by the United States, both in terms of the specific arguments, and in general. The different arguments are tested against certain criteria, which include the stipulations of the ICC Statute and other counter arguments. From these comparisons, certain evaluations can be made, from which conclusions are drawn. For various reasons, none of the arguments put forward have merit when tested against the stipulations of the ICC Statute. What this implies is that the United States does not have real evidence to back its main concern about the ICC. Even though the possibility exists that an American could be charged before the court, there are sufficient safeguards to protect such a person from actually appearing before the court. The very real political implication then becomes that the United States is undermining its position and relative power in the international system by taking such a unilateral st / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Internasionale Kriminele Hof (IKH) is 'n opwindende ontwikkeling in die internasionale sisteem. Dit is egter nie sonder opponente nie, wat onder andere die Verenigte State van Amerika insluit. Die feit dat Amerika so sterk standpunt teen die hof inneem, skep onsekerheid in die internasionale sisteem. Die onsekerheid hou verband met Amerika se rol as die enigste oorblywende supermoontheid binne die sisteem. Amerika se hoof besorgdheid met die IKH is dat 'n Amerikaner dalk in terme van polities-gemotiveerde aanklagte voor die hof gedaag sal word. Hierdie besorgdheid word geïllustreer deur vyf basiese argumente wat geopper word. Hierdie argumente word in drie spesifieke argumente wat die basis van die tesis vorm, gefokus. Die argumente is die vrae in terms van die jurisdiksie van die IKH, die rol van die Veiligheidsraad van die Verenigde Nasies in die funksionering van die IKH, en die invloed wat die Amerikaanse grondwet op die IKH het. Daar word ook gekyk na die politieke implikasies van die Amerikaanse standpunt, beide in terme van die spesifieke argumente en in die algemeen. Die verskillende argumente word teen sekere kriteria getoets, wat die stipulasies van die IKH Statuut en ander teenargumente behels. Vanaf hierdie vergelykings kan evaluerings gedoen word, waarvan daar gevolgtrekkings gemaak word. Vir verskeie redes het nie een van die spesifieke argumente meriete as dit teen die bepalings van die IKH Statuut getoets word nie. Dit impliseer dat Amerika nie werklik bewyse vir hul hoof besorgdheid met betrekking tot die IKH het nie. Selfs al is die moontlikheid daar dat 'n Amerikaner wel voor die hof gedaag kan word, is daar voldoende waarborge om so persoon teen 'n verskyning voor die hof te beskerm. Die werklike politieke implikasie is nou dat Amerika sy posisie en relatiewe mag in die internasionale sisteem met sy eensydige standpunt teen die IKH ondermyn. Hierdie punt kan ook verdere uitgebreide implikasies hê.

This thesis conducts an analysis of the Intersessional Process (ISP) of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) between 2001 and 2006. Specifically, it aims to assess the extent to which the ISP has resulted in progress towards strengthening the BTWC. The fulfilment of the research aim is derived from three discrete approaches: firstly, an assessment of problems and weaknesses faced by the Convention; secondly, an assessment of common or converging understandings around measures to respond to such problems and weaknesses; and thirdly, an assessment of what effective action has been achieved between 2001 and 2006. To achieve this, this thesis uses a framework that structures the assessment around four dimensions of the BTWC and their evolution within a changing geostrategic and scientific context. The four dimensions identified are compliance, development, institutional and research. The conclusions drawn from this thesis suggest that although the compliance dimension has made some considerable progress in the area of national legislation and biosafety and biosecurity, it remains clear that other areas of the compliance dimension remain underdeveloped and deeply divisive. The development dimension has also made progress over the course of the ISP and, significantly, achieved much greater convergence in its focus around disease surveillance and detection. However, changing dynamics in security and science have negatively affected other areas of the development dimension. In terms of the institutional dimension, there has been a modest progress with regard to the BTWC's institutional and procedural evolution; however, legitimate concerns remain in relation to quantity and quality of membership of the BTWC relative to other agreements. Finally, there has been some motion towards the emergence of a more coherent dimension of research; although certain advances in science research remain neglected in the BTWC forum, and the issue of biodefence has been conspicuously absent from discussion during the ISP. Based on the analysis conducted, this thesis argues that the BTWC has made cautious progress over the course of the ISP, and there is evidence of a convergence in responses and effective action in some areas. However, there is insufficient evidence to suggest there has been 'major progress towards strengthening the Convention' and many issues require much greater attention.

La tesi esplora le sfide poste al diritto del lavoro e alla politiche europee dal distacco di lavoratori, illustrando le sue complesse relazioni con le libertà economiche da un lato e con i diritti sociali dall’altro. In particolare, si propone una analisi della normativa europea alla luce della sua interpretazione da parte della Corte di Giustizia Europea e della concreta applicazione da parte delle autorità pubbliche. Il lavoro è arricchito da evidenze di tipo quantitativo e qualitativo sui flussi e sulle condizioni lavorative dei lavoratori distaccati, incluse le attività e i risultati di progetti volti a migliorare la comprensione del fenomeno rafforzando, al contempo, le capacità di ispettorati e sindacati. Le conclusioni propongono diversi percorsi di riforma, ispirati da visioni alternative dell’equilibrio tra libertà economiche e diritti sociali. / The thesis explores challenges posed to labour law and to European policies by the posting of workers, highlighting its complex relations with economic freedoms on the one side and with social rights on the other side. This is done by providing an analysis of EU-level law provisions in the light of their interpretation by the European Court of Justice and implementation by public authorities. The work is integrated by quantitative and qualitative evidences on flows and working conditions of posted workers, including activities and outcomes of projects meant to improve understanding of the phenomenon while empowering stakeholders, such as inspectorates and unions. The conclusions propose different pathways to reform posting rules, inspired by alternative visions on the balance between economic freedoms and social rights.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Denver, 2006. / "November 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 279-291).

Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 187-204). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Based on Ph.D. thesis--University of Nottingham, School of Law, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references and index.