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Dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, l’Éthiopie luttait farouchement pour conserver son indépendance, tout en agrandissant considérablement son territoire. Une région de montagnes et de prairies, jusqu’alors aux marges méridionales de l’espace national, se retrouva au centre du pays défini par de nouvelles frontières. C’est là qu’est née Addis Abäba vers 1886, d’abord simple "kätäma" (camp royal) et base logistique pour les conquêtes militaires, avant de devenir un « carrefour du monde ».L’objectif de cette thèse est une mise en lumière du rôle moteur, exercé par la volonté de reconnaissance de la souveraineté nationale, dans le processus particulier de fondation et de pérennisation de la capitale éthiopienne, ainsi que dans son développement au cours du XXe siècle. Les grandes phases de croissance d’Addis Abäba ne peuvent être comprises qu’à l’aune du contexte international, alors que la souveraineté et l’indépendance éthiopiennes étaient menacées. Dans ces moments particuliers, le pouvoir a mis la ville en scène, en la développant et en la dotant d’un patrimoine architectural et monumental. Pour cela, il puisa dans le temps long de l’histoire éthiopienne, dans l’attachement à la chrétienté éthiopienne — la religion "Täwahǝdo" — et dans le mythe national du "Kǝbrä Nägäst". Les règnes et régimes successifs ont adopté une même rhétorique urbaine et bâtisseuse, jusqu’au XXIe siècle. / While fiercely struggling for its independence during the second half of the 19th century, Ethiopia extended considerably its territory. A region of meadows and mountains, at the southern march, became the centre of the country in its new borders. There, in 1886, what was first founded as a garrison camp for its strategic position became Addis Abäba, soon the new capital at the crossroads of the world.This thesis aims to highlight the part played by the national sovereignty and its recognition in the particular process of the Ethiopian capital foundation and its perpetuation, as well as its development during the 20th century. The main growing phases of Addis Abäba might only be understood in terms of its international context whilst Ethiopian sovereignty and independence were jeopardized. During those particular times, the rulers used Addis Abäba as a stage for its performance, expanding the city and provided it with architectural and monumental heritage. For this, they drew in the country’s long-time history, in the strong commitment to the Ethiopian Christianity – the "Täwahǝdo" – and into the "Kǝbrä Nägäst" the national myth. The successive systems and reigns until the 21st century have adopted the same urban and building response.

This dissertation examines one of the most significant theological shifts in the Rastafari movement: the transformation of the Rastafari deity, His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I, from Jah in the flesh to the spirit that dwells within the body of each Rasta. Although the belief that Rastas are participants in the divinity of Jah emerged early in Rastafari, it was not until Selassie’s death in 1975 that the theological assertion of Jah dwelling within their bodies as the spirit emerged. Despite the initial claim made by some of the early Rastas that their bodies are the dwelling place of Jah, the notion of Jah as indwelling the spirit remains undertheorized, thus leading to an inadequate view that Rastafari is tenuously an African-derived religion. The aim of this dissertation, therefore, is to make visible the notion of Jah as spirit by focusing on how Rastas conceptualize and ritualize the process of Jah becoming a part of their bodies. The dissertation proposes divine envesselment as a central theoretical and conceptual framework to understand the Rastafari belief that their deity Jah becomes a permanent part of their bodies, thereby imbuing them with divine power, authority, and identity to resist the oppressive state Babylon. By formulating a theory of divine envesselment to account for the indwelling of Jah within the body, this study highlights the social, cultural, and theological factors that enabled Rastas to deify Selassie, continue to proclaim him as God after his death, and distinguish themselves from the oppressive neocolonial state through their ritualization of Jah spirit and power. The study uses an African-centered epistemological approach to argue that the Rastafari belief that Jah dwells within them is not only an embrace of the spirit but an ethos rooted in the history of contestation and creative friction within the Afro-Caribbean religious field. Furthermore, an African-centered epistemology locates the process of divine envesselment (Jah becoming the spirit that dwells in flesh) within the social, material, intellectual, and symbolic world of African people on the continent and in the diaspora. The study asserts that the logic, structure, and nature of Rastafari as an African-derived religion with a conception of spirit become evident when examined through an African-centered epistemological lens. / Religion

With the momentum of previous Emperors, Haile Selassie steered Ethiopia on the path to modernization. One of his greatest obstacles was the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC), which, being steeped in sixteen centuries of tradition, was accustomed to being the primary hegemonic power. Pierre Bourdieu's generative structuralism will be employed in this thesis to analyze the EOC's symbolic power as well as Selassie's efforts to dispossess the Church of its cultural power and make it an arm of the state. Controlling the rural periphery of Ethiopia, however meant introducing the basic structures of modernity to ethnic groups who had historically resisted Selassie's Amharic culture. Selassie permitted foreign missions, such as the Sudan Interior Mission (SIM) and Swedish Evangelical Mission (SEM), to function as his subcontractors for civilization by building schools, establishing medical stations, and evangelizing the non-Orthodox populations. Selassie failed to anticipate how mission structures contributed to the formation of resistant identities for Maale and Oromo converts. In analyzing these processes, the thesis also employs Robin Horton's theory of conversion while refuting Horton's broader claim about the superficiality of Christianity in Africa. / Religion

The imperial visits to the United States by Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia in 1954 and Emperor Hirohito of Japan in 1975, while billed as unofficial by all parties involved, demonstrated the problematic nature of America's unstable Cold War political agendas, connected African and Asian Americans with alternative sources of race, nationality, and ethnic pride, and created spaces for the emperors to reinforce domestic policies while advancing their nations on the world stage. Just as America's civil and governmental forces came together during the imperial tours, in 1954 and 1975 respectively, to strongly promote Cold War ideological narratives to a global audience, African American and Japanese American racial and ethnic groups within the United States created their own interpretations of the tours. Likewise, the governments and imperial institutions of Ethiopia and Japan both appropriated American efforts in an attempt to renegotiate political relationships and produce imperial narratives for domestic consumption. However, fundamental contradictions arose during these tours as both Ethiopia and Japan simultaneously sought to embrace America and to expand their presence on the world stage. The full nature of the political, economic, and social ramifications of these two imperial visits, and the contradictions in American's Cold War policies revealed by the tours, has yet to be explored. Reactions to the emperors' tours demonstrated the connections and conflicts between race, nation, and identity. Further the narratives of Ethiopia's and Japan's role on the world stage, particularly during these "unofficial" imperial tours, have yet to be fully examined by historians. Only by examining the emperors' tours within a broader transnational context, taking multiple political, racial, and economic perspectives into account, can the consequences of these visits be fully observed and understood.

Since the emergence of RastafarI communities within 1930's Jamaica following the coronation of Ras Tafari Makonnen as Haile Selassie I, Negus (king) of Ethiopia, RastafarI continuously articulate his divinity within their discourse. While the specific nomenclature for and significance of Haile Selassie I may vary in accordance to time and affiliation, it is unquestionable that Selassie I remains central to the RastafarI way of life for more than 70 years. What scholars and thinkers on RastafarI question, and very fervently so during the past 10 years, is the authenticity of the divinity of Selassie I within RastafarI thought. The few scholars who attempt to solve what for them is the "problem of authenticity," claim, through christological and apologistic approaches, that RastafarI need to reconsider the possibility of his status, as it is conjecture and blasphemy. Adhering to African epistemological assumptions that everything in existence comprises the whole of existence, we rely on an African symbolic approach to examine RastafarI conceptualizations of Selassie I within pre-coronation, coronation and post-coronation RastafarI writings. Given that the material reality seemingly degenerates the collective body and consciousness in accordance with the cycles of time as expressed within the most ancient of Kemetic cosmologies, our aim is to suggest that Haile Selassie I emerges as a ba, the soul template, of Asar, a force manifesting as the human ability and potential to exist within the material realm in accordance with the unseen realm of existence. We conclude, unlike previous academic thinkers who examine RastafarI thought, that RastafarI thinking about Haile Selassie I is therefore an authentic perspective, one that undoubtedly occurs in accordance with the structure and origin of the universe and the cyclical journey of Africana reclamation of a primordial consciousness. / African American Studies

Opposed to the repressive socio-economic political climate that resulted in the impoverishment of masses of Jamaicans, the Jamaican Rastafarians developed a language to resist societal oppression. This study examines that language--Dread Talk--as resistive language. Having determined that the other variations spoken in their community--Standard Jamaican English and Jamaican Creole--were inadequate to express their dispossessed circumstances, the Rastafarians forged an identity through their language that represents a resistant philosophy, music and religion. This resistance not only articulates their socio-political state, but also commands global attention. This study scrutinizes the lexical, phonological, and syntactical structures of the poetic music discourse of Dread Talk, the conscious deliberate fashioning of a language that purposefully expresses resistance to the political and social ideology of their native land, Jamaica.

Anyone familiar with the Rastafari movement and its connection with the Bible is struck by the prevalence of I-locution found in them both. Because the phenomenon is important in the canonical Testaments, more so the New, this study seeks to investigate its significance in certain epistolary pieces (Romans 7 :14-25 ; 15 :14-33), the bio-Narratives and the Apocalypse, in their historical and cultural milieu. The next stage of the investigation then compares the findings of the aforementioned New Testament books with corresponding statements of the Rasta community to determine their relevance for the ongoing Anglophone theological discussion. In this connection, the following questions are addressed: (1) what are the inter-textual link(s) and function(s) of the `I' statements in Romans? (2) How do they relate to similar dominical sayings? And (3) can any parallel be established between the language of Rastafari and these? In sum, the study seeks to bring into critical dialogue the permutative `I' of the NT with the self-understanding of Rastafari. / NEW TESTAMENT / DTH (NEW TESTAMENT)

Anyone familiar with the Rastafari movement and its connection with the Bible is struck by the prevalence of I-locution found in them both. Because the phenomenon is important in the canonical Testaments, more so the New, this study seeks to investigate its significance in certain epistolary pieces (Romans 7 :14-25 ; 15 :14-33), the bio-Narratives and the Apocalypse, in their historical and cultural milieu. The next stage of the investigation then compares the findings of the aforementioned New Testament books with corresponding statements of the Rasta community to determine their relevance for the ongoing Anglophone theological discussion. In this connection, the following questions are addressed: (1) what are the inter-textual link(s) and function(s) of the `I' statements in Romans? (2) How do they relate to similar dominical sayings? And (3) can any parallel be established between the language of Rastafari and these? In sum, the study seeks to bring into critical dialogue the permutative `I' of the NT with the self-understanding of Rastafari. / NEW TESTAMENT / DTH (NEW TESTAMENT)