Thesis (Ph.D.)--The American University, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-146).

In this thesis I propose that Alain Locke’s pluralistic cosmopolitanism can serve as a middle ground between integrationist and separatist measurements of racial progress. Using Gary Peller’s article “Race-Consciousness” as a focal point, I argue that Locke’s philosophy can adequately address concerns held by both integrationists and separatists. In Chapter One, I lay out the historical foundations and subsequent debate between integrationists and separatists, and analyze Peller’s challenge of integrationist ideologies of the sixties and seventies. Using his article to highlight the often-neglected separatist position, Chapter Two then proposes Locke’s pluralistic cosmopolitanism as a potential middle ground for addressing separatists’ concerns with integrationist ideology and vice versa. Locke’s emphasis on unity in diversity, his three working principles—cultural equivalence, cultural reciprocity, and limited cultural convertibility—his critical relativism, and his heavy involvement with the Harlem Renaissance makes his philosophical approach useful in addressing concerns not only of black separatists/nationalists but integrationists as well.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / In the mid 1980s, the Muslim separatist problem was eliminated in southern Thailand when the government took a two-fold approach: first, to empower the military to oversee both the police and civil-service sectors; and later, based on recommendations from the military, to initiate new social and economic policies. This thesis examines, through both an anthropological analysis of the conflict and a theory of counterinsurgency, the re-emergence of the Muslim separatist groups in southern Thailand and provides both short and long term solutions for the Royal Thai government. It offers a background analysis of the historical relationship between the Thai government and Thai Muslims in order to highlight why the former separatist problem occurred in Thailand. Next, the current separatist problem is examined to determine why this issue has reoccurred and possible reasons for the government's underestimation of the situation. This thesis then addresses measures the Thai government may take to preclude a future Muslim separatist insurgency, and offers both an analysis of former measures that were successful and an appraisal of the current conditions conducive to an insurgency. Finally, the conditions necessary for a successful resolution of the Muslim separatist problem are delineated in short term and long term solutions. / Lieutenant Colonel, Royal Thai Army

Conventional wisdom portrays ethnic minorities as likely victims of democratization who often fall prey to nationalist aggression fueled by power-seeking elites. Yet, history is replete with newly democratic states that have not only avoided targeted violence against ethnic "others" but also sought to reconcile with aggrieved ethnic minorities through concessions over self-determination. In light of conventional wisdom, this picture is puzzling and raises two important questions: 1) Why is self-determination reform so frequently observed during democratization periods? 2) Why do some democratizing states accommodate minority demands for self-determination while others continue to neglect minority grievances, or worse, become a breeding ground for exclusionary nationalism and minority repression? This dissertation is dedicated to addressing these questions. To answer the first question, I develop a novel theory of self-determination reform that explains the conditions under which government leaders develop both the capacity and incentives to introduce policies that devolve some degree of autonomy to separatist minorities. The theory pinpoints early democratization as a critical juncture where two key conditions necessary for self-determination reform - limited institutional constraints to rule and threats to elite survival - are most likely to be observed together. During early democratization, newly democratic governments are able to push forward radical policy changes without the meddling of institutionally empowered veto players, who typically gain more leverage as the democratic regime consolidates. Matching this capacity for reform are democratizers' strategic incentives to co-opt ethnic separatists. The source of these incentives, I argue, is the emergence of threats to elite survival during the early democratization period, which may be posed by a number of anti-democratic forces including the loyalists of the authoritarian regime and coup-plotting military factions. Amidst political instability, extending an olive branch to separatist minorities helps threatened democratizers strengthen their hand vis-a-vis imminent threats to their survival by containing separatist violence in the periphery and preventing tactical alliances between center-seeking and separatist rebel groups. In certain paths to democracy, democratizers also develop reputational incentives for self-determination reform, which helps establish democratic credentials through signaling a clean break with authoritarian practices. I test my hypotheses using a mixed-method research design, combining statistical analyses of large-N data with a detailed case study of the Philippines-Moro relations during the country's transition to democracy in the mid-1980s. The quantitative findings confirm my hypotheses about the domestic political conditions that are most conducive to minority accommodation, as well as the relationship between democratization and self-determination reform. The Philippines chapter illustrates how strategic and reputational incentives for minority accommodation drive self-determination reform in early democracies, drawing on evidence from secondary sources and semi-structured interviews conducted during fieldwork in Manila. In later chapters, I turn to my second research question and explore the variation in transition outcomes for separatist minorities across democratizing states. The key insight is that conciliatory steps towards ethnic separatists is a likely outcome in all types of transition paths marked by political instability, with the exception of coerced incumbent-led transitions where the incumbent views electoral competition as the primary threat to its survival prospects. In addition to this exception, non-conciliatory outcomes may also be observed in top-down transitions led by powerful autocrats who democratize voluntarily and do so without allowing the transition process to generate any threats to their survival. Case studies of Spain, Nicaragua and Turkey introduced in the last chapter help probe the generalizability of the theory and illustrate how different transition paths shape democratizers' policies towards separatists disputes. Altogether, my dissertation project presents a novel theory of self-determination reform, as well as undertaking the first systematic analysis of the conditions under which democratization paves the way for state-minority reconciliation. More broadly, the theory and findings also add nuance to current thinking about democratization and ethnic minorities, providing evidence that transition processes are not closely associated with minority victimization and ethnic violence as is commonly assumed.

Orientador: Áureo Busetto / Banca: André Porto Ancona Lopez / Banca: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes / Resumo: O Norte do Paraná foi caracterizado como uma região de vínculos comerciais e influência cultural intensos com o estado de São Paulo, tanto pela ligação, através de estradas rodoferroviárias, quanto pela corrente migratória, principalmente, de paulistas. Apresentaremos nesta dissertação, o gérmen de dois temas e as relações entre eles: manifestações e discursos divisionistas Norte/Sul e a política de integração do Paraná que consistia na construção de um plano rodoferroviário. Esse plano governista possuía dois objetivos bem definidos: canalizar a safra agrícola para o Porto de Paranaguá, numa clara evidência de competir com o Porto de Santos, e dar resposta às manifestações divisionistas proporcionado por segmentos políticos da região Norte. Assim, nosso objetivo é mostrar as atitudes e o desempenho de diversas frações da sociedade londrinense, maringaense, apucaranense e curitibana que se manifestaram na imprensa escrita e falada e, ainda, nas tribunas de associações de classe e de câmara municipal, e analisar seus discursos que tangenciaram para duas causas: a de integrar ou dividir o Paraná. Esse conjunto de discursos, de autores diversos: historiadores, geógrafos, engenheiros, jornalistas, políticos e outros, se constituiu como portador de soluções diversas para o problema do escoamento da safra agrícola, de infra-estrutura e de integração. Seus ecos ainda podem ser distintamente ouvidos na política paranaense. / Abstract: The North of Paraná was characterized as a region of commercial bonds and an intense cultural influence with the state of São Paulo, by the connection, with roads and railways, as much as by the migratory wheel, most of it, of the natives from São Paulo. Therefore, in this dissertation we present the basis of two subjects and the relations between them: demonstrations and north/south separatist speeches that have been consisted of a twirl-railroad plan. This governmental plan had two well-defined goals: to canalize the agricultural harvest to the port of Paranaguá, in a clear evidence of competition with the port of Santos, and answer to the separatist demonstrations, supported by political segments from the north. Therefore, our objective is to show that the attitudes and the fulfillment of many portions of the society from Londrina, Maringá, Apucarana and Curitiba, that has been shown in the press, and also in the platform of high class associations and of town councils, and analyze their speeches that were subdivided in two causes: to integrate or to separate Paraná. This group of speeches, by many authors: historians, geographers, engineers, journalists, politicians and others, set up as the bearer of many solutions for the problem of the transport of the agricultural harvest and also of infrastructure and integration. Their echoes can still be heard in the politic scene of Paraná. / Mestre

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2002. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 960-984). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2002. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 960-984). Also available on the Internet.

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02

This thesis explores the relationship between 1970s lesbian-feminist theory and praxis through analysis of the cultural production and lived experiences of Jean and Ruth Mountaingrove, two members of a loose-knit community of back-to-the-land lesbian-feminist separatists in southern Oregon. The Mountaingroves published several successful lesbian-feminist publications from the 1970s until the mid-1980s, as well as incorporating lesbian feminism into all aspects of their personal lives, in essence politicizing their whole lives. The interconnection between the Mountaingroves' personal, public, and professional lives illustrates some of the overarching changes lesbian-feminist theory initiated through the politicization of identity and isolation from men, as well as the boundary-making and contradictions that occurred when lesbian feminists attempted to integrate theory into their personal lives. Through the Mountaingroves' story we can see the fruitful unifying nature of lesbian-feminist theory and culture and the many paradoxes inherent in the politics of identity on public and private levels.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2005-12-13Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:15:22Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 marson_er_me_assis.pdf: 1062820 bytes, checksum: c20ae4518bcbf45d3b928976209ef3e1 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O Norte do Paraná foi caracterizado como uma região de vínculos comerciais e influência cultural intensos com o estado de São Paulo, tanto pela ligação, através de estradas rodoferroviárias, quanto pela corrente migratória, principalmente, de paulistas. Apresentaremos nesta dissertação, o gérmen de dois temas e as relações entre eles: manifestações e discursos divisionistas Norte/Sul e a política de integração do Paraná que consistia na construção de um plano rodoferroviário. Esse plano governista possuía dois objetivos bem definidos: canalizar a safra agrícola para o Porto de Paranaguá, numa clara evidência de competir com o Porto de Santos, e dar resposta às manifestações divisionistas proporcionado por segmentos políticos da região Norte. Assim, nosso objetivo é mostrar as atitudes e o desempenho de diversas frações da sociedade londrinense, maringaense, apucaranense e curitibana que se manifestaram na imprensa escrita e falada e, ainda, nas tribunas de associações de classe e de câmara municipal, e analisar seus discursos que tangenciaram para duas causas: a de integrar ou dividir o Paraná. Esse conjunto de discursos, de autores diversos: historiadores, geógrafos, engenheiros, jornalistas, políticos e outros, se constituiu como portador de soluções diversas para o problema do escoamento da safra agrícola, de infra-estrutura e de integração. Seus ecos ainda podem ser distintamente ouvidos na política paranaense. / The North of Paraná was characterized as a region of commercial bonds and an intense cultural influence with the state of São Paulo, by the connection, with roads and railways, as much as by the migratory wheel, most of it, of the natives from São Paulo. Therefore, in this dissertation we present the basis of two subjects and the relations between them: demonstrations and north/south separatist speeches that have been consisted of a twirl-railroad plan. This governmental plan had two well-defined goals: to canalize the agricultural harvest to the port of Paranaguá, in a clear evidence of competition with the port of Santos, and answer to the separatist demonstrations, supported by political segments from the north. Therefore, our objective is to show that the attitudes and the fulfillment of many portions of the society from Londrina, Maringá, Apucarana and Curitiba, that has been shown in the press, and also in the platform of high class associations and of town councils, and analyze their speeches that were subdivided in two causes: to integrate or to separate Paraná. This group of speeches, by many authors: historians, geographers, engineers, journalists, politicians and others, set up as the bearer of many solutions for the problem of the transport of the agricultural harvest and also of infrastructure and integration. Their echoes can still be heard in the politic scene of Paraná.